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JULY, 191, 





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JESUS-"One of Those 
Damned Agitators" 


In his "The Carpenter and the Rich Man" Bouck White proves to the satisfaction of all 
ii intelligent men and women that Jesus of Nazareth TAUGHT the very things the Churches and 
| so-called Christians today CONDEMN in the name of Christ. 

i, Jesus approved of the acts of David and his hungry followers when they entered the 

temple and took the blessed shew bread from the sacred altars, to satisfy their want. 

In- New York a Catholic Priest declared he would die rather than permit the Unemployed 
to contaminate the "sacred" Church by using it to protect them from the winter's cold, although 
they had not where to lay their heads. The Catholic Priest had these starving men arrested 
and sent to prison. 

Jesus said: "I was in prison and ye visited me not," for "inasmuch as ye did it not unto 
one of the LEAST of these my brethren, ye did it not to me." According to Mr. White in his 
"Carpenter and the Rich Man," Tesus looked upon legal and all authorities as ENEMIES of the 
poor. He demanded that his followers and friends visit and support their comrades when im- 
prisoned by the hated authorities. 

That Jesus loved ALL the poor and despised ALL the rich there seems to be no reason- 
able doubt after reading this book. Comrade White points out how when a rich man asked per- 
mission to follow Jesus and become one of his band of OUTLAWS, Jesus said to him: "Sell ALL 
you have and GIVE to the POOR and take up your cross and follow me." 

In thus referring to the cross, Mr. White shows how Jesus meant that his companions 
must be ready and willing to give up ALL things, to be prepared to DIE if necessary in their 
crusade for the poor. 

Jesus stood for the poor thief, the propertyless lawbreaker, the oppressed SABOTAGER, 
the HOMELESS and HUNGRY Church defiler (if we are to accept the definition of defilement 
as laid down by our Priestly parasites today). 

He was the BOLDEST of REBELLIOUS workingmen. All things could be forgiven 
ANY POOR man and the possession of riches in the midst of poverty irretrievably damned the 
owner, according to the Nazarene. 

The outcasts of the world were the beloved of Jesus. Prostitutes, thieves, beggars, work- 
ingmen, ex-convicts were all the friends of Jesus. For the banker, the great property-owner, the 
usurer, the RICH MAN, he held only the most deep-rooted hatred and scorn. 

Jesus demanded material communism among his comrades, and — above all — revolt against 

Comrade White proves how most of the books of the New Testament were written several 
hundred years after the death of Jesus and bear the imprint more of the aims and minds of the 
AUTHORS than they do of the FIGHTING CARPENTER. 

Read this book by Bouck White and prove to your friends and fellow- workers iust what 
ACTUALLY WERE the teachings of the Carpenter Revolutionist. 

The book alone sells for $1.20 net; $1.35 postpaid. But if you order within 30 days we^ will 
mail you the book and the International Socialist Review, one year, all for $1.50. Extra postage 
to Canada 20c; to other foreign countries 36c. Use the blank below. 

Charles H. Kerr & Company, 

118 West Kinzie Street, Chicago: 

I enclose $1.50 for which please mail a copy of "The Carpenter and the Rich Man," and 
enter my name for the International Socialist Review one year. 

Name Address 

Postoffice State 

Note: — If desired, the Review will be sent to another address or we will send a sub- 
scription card to be filled out later 

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A Remarkable Discovery: 




A novel by a Socialist house-painter, recently discovered after his death. 

"I fear that if I say what I think it may appear extravagant; while if I moderate 
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"It is a masterpiece of realism. The work of a craftsman, it is true, unerring and 
pitiless in its delineation of men and life. Were Zola and Tolstoi living, I am sure they 
would look upon this common house-painter with envy, as one whose novice hand had 
outdone them. I am sure that Gorky and Jack London would confess frankly that the 
work of Robert Tressall surpasses theirs. Certainly, London's "The Call of the Wild" 
cannot be as true to life as these ragged philanthropists." 

Published by STOKES $12 5 net 

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QOCIALISM is not merely "Public Ownership " of railroads, 
^ telegraphs, mines and the like. Socialism is the uprising of the 
Working Class against the Capitalist Class. 1 he Workers 
propose to take the control and ownership of industry away from 
the Capitalists; they propose hereafter to keep the wealth they 
produce. Socialism is the one great issue of the future; YOU 
must take sides for it or against it. To decide intelligently which 
side to take, you should read some of the Socialist Books by 
Socialists. These are some of the best ever written: 

1. Revolution, by Jack London. 

2. The Socialists; Who They Are and What They Stand For, by John Spargo. 

3. Shop Talks on Economics, by Mary E. Marcy. 

4. Evolution and Revolution, by Mark Fisher. 

5. The Question Box, by Frank M. Eastwood. 

6. The Strength of the Strong, by Jack London. 

7. The Rights of the Masses, by George D. Brewer. 

8. The Socialist Movement, by Charles H. Vail. 

9. The Catholic Church and Socialism, by Father McGrady and Frank Bohn. 

10. Class Struggles in America, by A. M. Simons. 

11. The Right to Be Lazy, by Paul Lafargue. 

12. The Social Evil, by Dr. J. H. Greer. 

13. Unionism and Socialism, by Eugene V. Debs. 

14. Socialism Made Easy, by James Connolly. 

15. Industrial Socialism, by William D. Haywood and Frank Bohn. 

16. The New Socialism, by Robert Rives LaMonte. 

17. Socialism; What It Is and What It Seeks to Accomplish, by Wilhelm Liebknecht. 

18. Marxism and Darwinism, by Anton Pannekoek. 

19. No Compromise, No Political Trading, by Wilhelm Liebknecht. 

20. The Communist Manifesto, by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. 

Any one of these Books mailed for 10 cents; 6 for 50 cents; 
the complete set for $1.50 

On receipt of $4.00 we will send by express, charges collect, 100 of the 
books named above, your selection. 

On receipt of $30.00 we will send by express or freight, charges collect, 
1,000 of the books named above, your selection. 


1 18 West Kinzie Street, CHICAGO 

Digitized by 




July ' 


Vol. XV 



Edited by Charles H. Kerr 

No. 1 

Mary E. Marcy, Robert Rives La Monte, William E. Bonn. 
Leslie H. Marcy, Frank Bonn , William D. Haywood, Phillips Russell 

The Editor is responsible only /or virus expressed on the editorial page and in unsigned deportment 
matter. Each contributor and associate editor is responsible for views expressed over his own signature. 


Cover Design George Baer 

A Voice From the Pit — Ludlow. Poem A Paint Creek Miner. 4 

Mother Jones Photograph 6 

South of the Slot Illustrated Jack London 7 

Doing Us Good — and Plenty Chas. Edzu. Russell. . .18 

The Marseillaise in the Tombs. Poem Upton Sinclair 24 

The Poor Man's Smoke. Illustrated Marion Wright 25 

One Big Union Wade Shurtleff 29 

Lest We Forget. Illustrated Kate Sadler 30 

Shine, Sir! W. H. Emery 32 

"The Floater." Illustrated Charles Ashleigh ... .34 

Revolutionary Essays Lillian Hiller UdelL . 38 

The Trail of the Lonesome Wire. Illustrated. Commercial Tel. J oar .40 

Colorado 45 

The Gorilla's Divine Unrest. Current Opinion . . . .48 

Study Course in Socialism J. E. Sinclair 51 



Editorial: A Billion Dollar Donation 

International Notes 

News and Views 

Published Monthly, $1.00 a year, Canada $1.20, other countries $1.50 

Bundle Bate, 10 for 60 eta.; 20 for $1.00; 100 for $5.00 

CHARLES H. KERR & COMPANY, Publishers (Co-operative) 

118 W. Kinzie Street, Chicago, III., U. S. A. 

Entered at the Poetofflce at Chicago. Ill ., m Second Glut Matter July 27, 1W0. under Act of March S, 187B. 
Copyright 1914 by Charles H. Kerr & Company 


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WILD volleys and volleys of murderous lead 
And whirlwinds of air-leaping flame, 
With hell-screaming agony writhing and red 

In fields that were calm ere the yellow-legs came ! 
From the tattered black village Death rears up his head 
And leeringly numbers the names of the dead. 

"But who is to blame ?" cries the voice from the pit. 

And there, 'mid the embers that some one had lit, 

Pale children are weeping alone; 
While women and babies are strewn in the pit, 

Disfigured and mangled and burned to the bone, 
With red gaping wounds where the bullets have bit. 
"And who is to blame?" cries the voice from the pit. 

"O f who is to blame for the shot and the flame?" 
Cries the voice from the depths of the pit. 

"I am covered with mud and spattered with blood; 
My children have ashes and blood in their hair. . . . 
O, who is to blame for the misery there ? 

In this murderous game I will find who's to blame 

And shout to the whole world the fiendish name!" 

. (Holly Grove 


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— From Harper's Weekly 



lot Forgotten) 

:reek miner 


Quoth Death, "I have shown their encampment before — 

My own most dependable crew. 
So why do you roar and plead and implore, 

I have brought them from Hades expressly for you ; 
They are yellow-legged curs who are greedy for gore 
And mine-guards who clamour for more and for more ' 

"But WHO is to blame?" cried the voice from the pit. 

"Who is to blame for the shot and the flame — 
The machine-guns that sputter and spit, 

What tyrant serene is directing unseen 

His black-hearted cowards who kill at command — 
The safe one who orders his own hellish band 
To slaughter and stay with an iron- gloved hand .... 
O, HE is to blame for the gun and the brand!" 


Wild volleys and volleys of murderous lead, 

And whirlwinds of air-leaping flame ; 
With hell-screaming agony writhing and red 
\ In fields that were calm ere the yellow-legs came. 

\ In the black smoking ruins does Nemesis sit 

f With a burned-out torch that some one had lit 

' /'And WHO IS TO BLAME ?" cries the voice from the 


v r 



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Illustrated K' fctoifJter 

A New Story Which Will Soon Be Published with Other Short Stories by the Same Author in Book Form Under th^ 

Title, "The Strength of the Strong." 

OLD San Francisco, which is. the San 
Francisco of only the other day, the 
day before the Earthquake, was di- 
vided midway by the Slot. The 
Slot was an iron crack that ran along the 
center of Market street, and from the Slot 
arose the burr of the ceaseless, endless 
cable that was hitched at will to the cars 
it dragged up and down. In truth, there 
were two slots, but in the quick grammar 
of the West time was saved by calling 
them, and much more that they stpod for, 
"The Slot." North of the Slot were the 
theaters, hotels, and shopping district, the 
banks and the staid, respectable business 
houses. South of the Slot were the fac- 
tories, slums, laundries, machine shops, 
boiler works, and the abodes of the work- 
ing class. 

The Slot was the metaphor that ex- 
pressed the class cleavage of society, and 
no man crossed this metaphor, back and 
forth, more successfully than Freddie 
Drummond. He made a practice of living 
in both worlds, and in both worlds he lived 
signally well. Freddie Drummond was a 
professor in the Sociology Department of 
the University of California, and it was as 
a professor of sociology that he first crossed 
over the Slot, lived for six months in the 
great labor-ghetto, and wrote "The Un- 
skilled Laborer" — a book that was hailed 
everywhere as an able contribution to the 
literature of progress, and as a splendid 
reply to the literature of discontent. Po- 
litically and economically it was nothing if 
not orthodox. Presidents of great railway 
systems bought whole editions of it to give 

to their employees. The Manufacturers' 
Association alone distributed fifty thou- 
sand copies of it. In a way, it was almost 
as immoral as the far-famed and notorious 
"Message to Garcia," while in its preach- 
ment of thrift and content it ran "Mrs. 
Wiggs of the Cabbage Patch" a close sec- 

At first, Freddie Drummond found it 
monstrously difficult to get along among the 
working people. He was not used to their 
ways, and they certainly were not used to 
his. They were suspicious. He had no an- 
tecedents. He could talk of no previous 
jobs. His hands were soft. His extraordi- 
nary politeness was ominous. His first 
idea of the role he would play was that 
of a free and independent American who 
chose to work with his hands and no expla- 
nations given. But it wouldn't do, as he 
quickly discovered. At the beginning they 
accepted him, very provisionally, as a freak. 
A little later, as he began to know his way 
about better, he insensibly drifted into the 
role that would work — namely, he was a 
man who had seen better days, very much 
better days, but who was down in his luck, 
though, to be sure, only temporarily. 

He learned many things, and generalized 
much and often erroneously, all of which 
can be found in the pages of "The Un- 
skilled Laborer." He saved himself, how- 
ever, after the sane and conservative man- 
ner of his kind, by labeling his generaliza- 
tions as "tentative." One of his first ex- 
periences was in the great Wilmax Can- 
nery, where he was put on piece-work mak- 
ing small packing cases. A box factory 

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supplied the parts, and all Freddie Drum- 
mond had to do was to fit the parts into a 
form and drive in the wire nails with a 
light hammer. 

It was not skilled labor, but it was piece- 
work. The ordinary laborers in the can- 
nery got a dollar and a half per day. Fred- 
die Drummond found the other men on the 
same job with him jogging along and earn- 
ing a dollar and seventy-five cents a day. 
By the third day he was 
able to earn the same. 
But he was ambitious. 
He did not care to jog 
along and, being un- 
usually able and fit, on 
the fourth day earned 
two dollars. The next 
day, having keyed him- 
self up to an exhausting 
high tension, he earned 
two dollars and a half. 
His fellow workers fa- 
vored him with scowls 
and black looks, and 
made remarks, slangily 
witty, and which he did 
not understand, about 
sucking up to the boss 
and pace-making and 
holding her down when 
the rains set in. He was 
astonished at their ma- 
lignering on piece-work, 
generalized about the in- 
herent laziness of the un- 
skilled laborer, and pro- 
ceeded next day to ham- 
mer out three dollars 
worth of boxes. 
And that night, coming 
ing out of the cannery, 
he was interviewed by 
his fellow workmen, who 
were very angry and in- 
coherently slangy. He 
failed to comprehend the 
motive behind their ac- 
tion. The action itself 
was strenuous. When he 
refused to ease down 
his pace and bleated 
about freedom of con- 
tract, independent 
Americanism, and the 
dignity of toil, they pro- 

ceeded to spoil his pace-making ability. It 
was a fierce battle, for Drummond was a 
large man and an athlete, but the crowd 
finally jumped on his ribs, walked on his 
face, and stamped on his fingers, so that it 
was only after lying in bed for a week 
that he was able to get up and look for an- 
other job. All of which is duly narrated 
in that first book of his, in the chapter en- 
titled "The Tyranny of Labor." 


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A little later, in another department of 
the Wilmax Cannery, lumping as a fruit- 
distributor among the women, he essayed to 
carry two boxes of fruit at a time, and was 
promptly reproached by the other fruit- 
lumpers. It was palpable malingering ; but 
he was there, he decided, not to change con- 
ditions, but to observe. So he lumped one 
box thereafter, and so well did he study 
the art of shirking that he wrote a special 
chapter on it, with the last several para- 
graphs devoted to tentative generalizations. 

In those six months he worked at many 
jobs and developed into a very good imita- 
tion of a genuine worker. He was a nat- 
ural linguist, and he kept notebooks, mak- 
ing a scientific study of the workers' slang 
or argot, until he could talk quite intelli- 
gibly. This language also enabled him 
more intimately to follow their mental proc- 
esses, and thereby to gather much data for 
a projected chapter in some future book 
which he planned to entitle "Synthesis of 
Working-Class Psychology." 

Before he arose to the surface from that 
first plunge into the underworld he discov- 
ered that he was a good actor and demon- 
strated the plasticity of his nature. He was 
himself astonished at his own fluidity. Once 
having mastered the language and con- 
quered numerous fastidious qualms, he 
found that he could flow, into any nook of 
working-class life and fit it so snugly as 
to feel comfortably at home. As he said, 
in the preface to his second book, "The 
Toiler," he endeavored really to know the 
working people, and the only possible way 
to achieve this was to work beside them, eat 
their food, sleep in their beds, be amused 
with their amusements, think their thoughts 
and feel their feelings. 

He was not a deep thinker. He had no 
faith in new theories. All his norms and 
criteria were conventional. His Thesis, on 
the French Revolution, was noteworthy in 
college annals, not merely for its painstak- 
ing and voluminous accuracy, but for the 
fact that it was the dryest, deadest, most 
formal, and most orthodox screed ever writ- 
ten on the subject. He was a very reserved 
man, and his natural inhibition was large in 
quantity and steel-like in quality. He had 
but few friends. He was too undemonstra- 
tive, too frigid. He had no vices, nor had 
any one ever discovered any temptations. 
Tobacco he detested, beer he abhorred, and 
he was never known to drink anything 

stronger than an occasional light wine at 

When a freshman he had been baptized 
"Ice-Box" by his warmer-blooded fellows. 
As a member of the faculty he was known 
as "Cold-Storage." He had but one grief, 
and that was "Freddie." He had earned it 
wtien he played full-back on the 'Varsity 
eleven, and his formal soul had never suc- 
ceeded in living it down. "Freddie" he 
would ever be, except officially, and 
through nightmare vistas he looked into a 
future when his world would speak of him 
as "Old Freddie." 

For he was very young to be a Doctor 
of Sociology, only twenty-seven, and he 
looked younger. In appearance and atmos- 
phere he was a strapping big college man, 
smooth-faced and easy-mannered, clean and 
simple and wholesome, with a known rec- 
ord of being a splendid athlete and an im- 
plied vast possession of cold culture of the 
inhibited sort. He never talked shop out 
of class and committee rooms, except later 
on, when his books showered him with dis- 
tasteful public notice and he yielded to the 
extent of reading occasional papers before 
certain literary and economic societies. 

He did everything right — too right ; and 
in dress and comportment was inevitably 
correct. Not that he was a dandy. Far 
from it. He was a college man, in dress 
and carriage as like as a pea to the type 
that of late years is being so generously 
turned out of our institutions of higher 
learning. His handshake was satisfyingly 
strong and stiff. His blue eyes were coldly 
blue and convincingly sincere. His voice, 
firm and masculine, clean and crisp of enun- 
ciation, was pleasant to the ear. The one 
drawback to Freddie Drummond was his 
inhibition. He never unbent. In his foot- 
ball days, the higher the tension of the 
game the cooler he grew. He was noted as 
a boxer, but he was regarded as an auto- 
maton, with the inhuman action of a ma- 
chine judging distance and timing blows, 
guarding, blocking and stalling. He was 
rarely punished himself, while he rarely 
punished an opponent. He was too clever 
and too controlled to permit himself to put 
a pound more weight into a punch than he 
intended. With him it was a matter of 
exercise. It kept him fit. 

As time went by, Freddie Drummond 
found himself more frequently crossing the 

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Slot and losing himself in South of Mar- 
ket. His summer and winter holidays were 
spent there, and, whether it was a week or 
a week-end, he found the time spent there 
to be valuable and enjoyable. And there 
was so much material to be gathered. His 
third book, "Mass and Master," became a 
text-book in the American universities ; and 
almost before he knew it, he was at work 
on a fourth one, "The Fallacy of the In- 

Somewhere in his make-uo there was a 
strange twist or quirk. Perhaps it was a 
recoil from his environment and training, or 
from the tempered seed of his ancestors, 
who had been bookmen generation preced- 
ing generation ; but at any rate, he found 
enjoyment in being down in the working- 
class world. In his own world he was 
"Cold Storage," but down below he was 
"Big" Bill Totts, who could drink and 
smoke, and slang and fight, and be an all- 
around favorite. Everybody liked Bill, and 
more than one working girl made love to 
him. At first he had been merely a good 
actor, but as time went on, simulation be- 
came second nature. He no longer played 
a part, and he loved sausages — sausages and 
bacon, than which, in his own proper 
sphere, there was nothing more loathsome 
in the way of food. 

From doing the thing for the need's sake, 
he came to doing the thing for the thing's 
sake. He found himself regretting as the 
time drew near for him to go back to his 
lecture-room and his inhibition. And he 
often found himself waiting with anticipa- 
tion for the dreamy time to pass when he 
could cross the Slot and cut loose and play 
the devil. He was not wicked, but as "Big" 
Bill Totts he did a myriad things that Fred- 
die Drummond would never have been per- 
mitted to do. Moreover, Freddie Drum- 
mond never would have wanted to do them. 
That was the strangest part of his discov- 
ery. Freddie Drummond and Bill Totts 
were two totally different creatures. The 
desires and tastes and impulses of each ran 
counter to the other's. Bill Totts could 
shirk at a job with clear conscience, while 
Freddie Drummond condemned shirking as 
vicious, criminal, and un-American, and de- 
voted whole chapters to condemnation of 
the vice. Freddie Drummond did not care 
for dancing, but Bill Totts never missed the 
nights at the various dancing clubs, such as 
The Magnolia, The Western Star, and The 

Elite; while he won a massive silver cup, 
standing thirty inches high, for being the 
best-sustained character at the Butchers' 
and Meat Workers' annual grand masked 
ball. And Bill Totts liked the girls and 
the girls liked him, while Freddie Drum- 
mond enjoyed playing the ascetic in this 
particular, was open in his opposition to 
equal suffrage, and cynically bitter in his 
secret condemnation of co-education. 

Freddie Drummond changed his manners 
with his dress, and without effort. When 
he entered the obscure little room used for 
his transformation scenes he carried himself 
just a bit too stiffly. He was too erect, his 
shoulders were an inch too far back, while 
his face was grave, almost harsh, and prac- 
tically expressionless. But when he 
emerged in Bill Totts' clothes he was an- 
other creature. Bill Totts did not slouch, 
but somehow his whole form limbered up 
and became graceful. The very sound of 
the voice was changed, and the laugh was 
loud and hearty, while loose speech and an 
occasional oath was as a matter of course 
on his lips. Also, Bill Totts was a trifle 
inclined to late hours, and at times, in so- 
loons, to be good-naturedly bellicose with 
other workmen. Then, too, at Sunday pic- 
nics* or when coming home from the show, 
either arm betrayed a practiced familiarity 
in stealing around girls' waists, while he 
displayed a wit keen and delightful in the 
flirtatious badinage that was expected of a 
good fellow in his class. 

So thoroughly was Bill Totts himself, so 
thoroughly a workman, a genuine denizen 
of South of the Slot, that he was as class- 
conscious as the average of his kind, and 
his hatred for a scab even exceeded that 
of the average loyal union man. During 
the Water Front Strike Freddie Drummond 
was somehow able to stand apart from the 
unique combination, and, coldly critical, 
watch Bill Totts hilariously slug scab long- 
shoremen. For Bill Totts was a dues-pay- 
ing member of the Longshoremen Union 
and had a right to be indignant with the 
usurpers of his job. "Big" Bill Totts was 
so very big, and so very able, that it was 
"Big" Bill to the front when trouble was 
brewing. From acting outraged feelings, 
Freddie Drummond, in the role of his other 
self, came to experience genuine outrage, 
and it was only when he returned to the 
classic atmosphere of the university that 
he was able, sanely and conservatively, to 

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generalize upon his underworld experiences 
and put them down on paper as a trained 
sociologist should. That Bill Totts lacked 
the perspective to raise him above class- 
consciousness, Freddie Drummond clearly 
saw. But Bill Totts could not see it. When 
he saw a scab taking his job away, he saw 
red at the same time, and little else did he 
see. It was Freddie Drummond, 'irre- 
proachably clothed and comported, seated at 
his study desk or facing his class in "So- 
ciology 17," who saw Bill Totts, and all 
around Bill Totts, and all around the whole 

scab and union labor problem and its rela- 
tion to the economic welfare of the United 
States in the struggle for the world market. 
Bill Totts really wasn't able to see beyond 
the next meal and the prize fight the fol- 
lowing night at the Gaiety Athletic Club. 

It was while gathering material for 
"Women and Work" that Freddie received 
his first warning of the danger he was in. 
He was too successful at living in both 
worlds. This strange dualism he had de- 
veloped was, after all, very unstable, and, 
as he sat in his study and meditated, he saw 


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that it could not endure. It was really a 
transition stage, and if he persisted he saw 
that he would inevitably have to drop one 
world or the other. He could not continue 
in both. And as he looked at the row of 
volumes that graced the upper shelf of his 
revolving book-case, his volumes, beginning 
with his Thesis and ending with "Women 
and Work," he decided that that was the 
world he would hold on to and stick by ; 
Bill Totts had served his purpose, but he 
had becorne a too dangerous accomplice. 
Bill Totts would have to cease. 

Freddie Drummond's 'fright was due to 
Mary Condon, President of the Interna- 
tional Glove Workers' Union No. 974. He 
had seen her, first, from the spectators' gal- 
lery, at the annual convention of the North- 
west Federation of Labor, and he had seen 
her through Bill Totts' eyes, and that indi- 
vidual had been most favorably impressed 
by her. She was not Freddie Drummond's 
sort at all. What if she were a royal-bodied 
woman, graceful and sinewy as a panther, 
with amazing black eyes that could fill with 
fire or laughter-love, as the mood might 
dictate? He detested women with a too 
exuberant vitality and a lack of — well, of 
inhibition. Freddie Drummond accepted 
the doctrine of evolution because it was 
quite universally accepted by college men, 
and he flatly believed that man had climbed 
up the ladder of life out of the weltering 
muck and mess of lower and monstrous 
organic things. But he was a trifle ashamed 
of this genealogy, and preferred not to 
think of it. Wherefore, probably, he prac- 
ticed his iron inhibition and preached it to 
others, and preferred women of his own 
type, who could shake free of this bestial 
and regrettable ancestral line and by discip- 
line and control emphasize the wideness of 
the gulf that separated them from what 
their dim forbears had been. 

Bill Totts had none of these considera- 
tions. He had liked Mary Condon from the 
moment his eyes first rested on her in the 
convention hall, and he had made it a point, 
then and there, to find out who she was. 
The next time he met her, and quite by ac r 
cident, was when he was driving an express 
wagon for Pat Morrissey. It was in a 
lodging house in Mission street, where he 
had been called to take a trunk into storage. 
The landlady's daughter had called him and 
led him to the little bed-room, the occupant 

of which, a glove-maker, had just been re- 
moved to a hospital. But Bill did not know 
this. He stooped, up-ended the trunk, 
which was a large one, got it on his shoul- 
der, and struggled to his feet with his back 
toward the open door. At that moment he 
heard a woman's voice. 

"Belong to the union?" was the question 

"Aw, what's it to you?" he retorted. "Run 
along now, an' git outa my way. I wanta 
turn 'round." 

The next he knew, big as he was, he was 
whirled half around and sent reeling back- 
ward, the trunk overbalancing him, till he 
•fetched up with a crash against the wall. 
He started to swear, but at the same instant 
found himself looking into Mary Condon's 
flashing, angry eyes. 

"Of course I b'long to the union," he said. 
"I was only kiddin' you." 

"Where's your card?' she demanded in 
business-like tones. 

"In my pocket. But I can't git it out 
now. This trunk's too damn heavy. Come 


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on down to the wagon an I'll show it to 

"Put that trunk down," was the com- 

"What for?" I got a card, I'm tellin' 

"Put it down, that's all. No scab's going 
to handle that trunk. You ought to be 
ashamed of yourself, you big coward, scab- 
bing on honest men. Why don't you join 
the union and be a man?" 

Mary Condon's color had left her face, 
and it was apparent that she was in a white 

"To think of a big man like you turning 
traitor to his class. I suppose you're aching 
to join the militia for a chance to shoot, 
down union drivers the next strike. You 
may belong to the militia already, for that 
matter. You're the sort " 

"Hold on, now, that's too much!" Bill 
dropped the trunk to the floor with a bang, 
straightened up, and thrust his hand into his 
inside coat pocket. "I told you I was only 
kiddin'. There, look at that." 

It was a union card properly enough. 

"All right, take it along," Mary Condon 
said. "And the next time don't kid." 

Her face relaxed as she noticed the ease 
with which he got the big trunk to his 
shoulder, and her eyes glowed as they 
glanced over the graceful massiveness of 
the man. But Bill did not see that. He 
was too busy with the trunk. 

The next time he saw Mary Condon was 
during the Laundry Strike. The Laundry 
Workers, but recently organized, were 
green at the business, and had petitioned 
Mary Condon to engineer the strike. Fred- 
die Drummond had had an inkling of what 
was coming, and had sent Bill Totts to join 
the union and investigate. Bill's job was in 
the wash-room, and the men had been called 
out first, that morning, in order to stiffen 
the courage of the girls ; and Bill chanced 
to be near the door to the mangle-room 
when Mary Condon started to enter. The 
superintendent, who was both large and 
stout, barred her way. He wasn't going to 
have his girls called out, and he'd teach 
her a lesson to mind her own business. 
And as Mary tried to squeeze past him he 
thrust her back with a fat hand on her 
shoulder. She glanced around and saw 

"Here you are, Mr. Totts," she called. 
"Lend a hand. I want to get in." 

Bill experienced a startle of warm sur- 
prise. She had remembered his name from 
his union card. The next moment the su- 
perintendent had been plucked from the 
doorway raving about rights under the 
law, and the girls were deserting their 
machines. During the rest of that short 
and successful strike Bill constituted him- 
self Mary Condon's henchman and mes- 
senger, and when it was over returned to 
the University to be Freddie Drummond 
and to wonder what Bill Totts could see in 
such a woman. 

Freddie Drummond was entirely safe, but 
Bill had fallen in love. There was no get- 
ting away from the fact of it, and it was 
this fact that had given Freddie Drummond 
his warning. Well, he had done his work, 
and his adventures could cease. There was 
no need for him to cross the Slot again. 
All but the last three chapters of his latest, 
"Labor Tactics and Strategy," was finished, 
and he had sufficient material on hand ade- 
quately to -supply those chapters. 

Another conclusion he arrived at, was 
that in order to sheet-anchor himself as 
Freddie Drummond, closer ties and rela- 
tions in his own social nook were neces- 
sary. It was time that he was married, 
anyway, and he was fully aware that if 
Freddie Drummond didn't get married Bill 
Totts assuredly would, and the complica- 
tions were too awful to coqtemplate. And 
so, enters Catherine Van Vorst. She was 
a college woman herself, and her father, the 
one wealthy member of the faculty, was the 
head of the Philosophy Department as well. 
It would be a wise marriage from every 
standpoint, Freddie Drummond concluded 
when the engagement was consummated 
and announced. In appearance cold and 
reserved, aristocratic and wholesomely con- 
servative, Catherine Van Vorst, though 
warm in her way, possessed an inhibition 
equal to Drummond's. 

All seemed well with him, but Freddie 
Drummond could not quite shake off the 
coil of the underworld, the lure of the free 
and open, of the unhampered, irresponsible 
life South of the Slot. As the time of his 
marriage approached, he felt that he had 
indeed sowed wild oats, and he felt, more- 
over, what a good thing it would be if he 
could have but one wild fling more, play 
the good fellow and the wastrel one last 
time, ere he settled down to gray lecture- 
rooms and sober matrimony. And, further 

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to tempt him, the very last chapter of 
"Labor Tactics and Strategy" remained un- 
written for lack of a trifle more of essential 
data which he had neglected to gather. 

So Freddie Drummond went down for 
the last time as Bill Totts, got his data, 
and, unfortunately, encountered Mary Con- 
don. Once more installed in his study, it 
was not a pleasant thing to look back upon. 
It made his warning doubly imperative. Bill 
Totts had behaved abominably. Not only 
had he met Mary Condon at the Central 
Labor Council, but he had stopped in at a 
creamery with her, on the way home, and 
treated her to oysters. And before they 
parted at her door his arms had been about 
her, and he had kissed her on the lips, and 
kissed her repeatedly. And her last words 
in his ear, words uttered softly with a 
catchy sob in the throat that was nothing 
more nor less than a love cry, were "Bill 
. . . dear, dear Bill." 

Freddie Drummond shuddered at the rec- 
ollection. He saw the pit yawning for him. 
He was not by nature a polygamist, and he 
was appalled at the possibilities of the sit- 
uation. It would have to be put an end to, 
and it woul^ end in one only of two ways : 
either he must become wholly Bill Totts 
and be married to Mary Condon, or he 
must remain wholly Freddie Drummond 
and be married to Catherine Van Vorst. 
Otherwise, his conduct would be beneath 
contempt and horrible. 

In the several months that followed San 
Francisco was torn with labor strife. The 
unions and the employers' associations had 
locked horns with a determination that 
looked as if they intended to settle thp mat- 
ter, one way or the other, for all time. B\it 
Freddie Drummond corrected proofs, lec- 
tured classes, and did not budge. He de- 
voted himself to Catherine Van Vorst, and 
day by day found more to respect and ad- 
mire in her — nay, even to love in her. The 
Street Car strike tempted him, but not so 
severely as he would have expected; and 
the great Meat Strike came on and left him 
cold. The ghost of Bill Totts had been 
successfully laid, and Freddie Drummond 
with rejuvenescent zeal tackled a brochure, 
long-planned, on the topic of "diminishing 

The wedding was two weeks off, when, 
one afternoon, in San Francisco, Catherine 
Van Vorst picked him up and whisked him 
away to see a Boys' Club, recently instituted 

by the settlement workers with whom she 
was interested. It was her brother's ma- 
chine, but they were alone with the excep- 
tion of the chauffeur. At the junction with 
Kearney street, Market and Geary streets 
intersect like the sides of a sharp-angled 
letter "V." They, in the auto, were com- 
ing down Market with the intention of ne- 
gotiating the sharp apex and going up 
Geary. But they did not know what was 
coming down Geary, timed by fate to meet 
them at the apex. While aware from the 
papers that the Meat Strike was on and 
that it was an exceedingly bitter one, all 
thought of it at that moment was farthest 
from Freddie Drummond's mind. Was he 
not seated beside Catherine? And, besides, 
he was carefully expositing to her his views 
on settlement work — views that Bill Totts' 
adventures had played a part in formu- 

Coming down Geary street were six meat 
wagons. Beside each scab driver sat a 
policeman. Front and rear, and along each 
side of this procession, marched a protect- 
ing escort of one hundred police. Behind 
the police rear-guard, at a respectful dis- 
tance, was an orderly but vociferous mob, 
several blocks in length, that congested the 
street from sidewalk to sidewalk. The Beef 
Trust was making an effort to supply the 
hotels, and, incidentally, to begin the break- 
ing of the strike. The St. Francis had al- 
ready been supplied, at a cost of many 
broken windows and broken heads, and the 
expedition was marching to the relief of 
the Palace Hotel. 

All unwitting, Drummond sat beside 
Catherine, talking settlement work, as the 
auto, honking methodically and dodging 
traffic, swung in a wide curve to get 
around the apex. A big coal wagon, loaded 
with lump coal and drawn by four huge 
horses, just debouching from Kearney 
street as though to turn down Market, 
blocked their way. The driver of the wagon 
seemed undecided, and the chauffeur, run- 
ning slow but disregarding some shouted 
warning from the crossing policeman, 
swerved the auto to the left, violating the 
traffic rules, in order to pass in front of 
the wagon. 

At that moment Freddie Drummond dis- 
continued his conversation. Nor did he re- 
sume it again, for the situation was devel- 
oping with the rapidity of a transformation 
scene. He heard the roar of the mob at 

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the rear, and caught a glimpse of the hel- 
meted police and the lurching meat wagons. 
At the same moment, laying on his whip 
and standing up to his task, the coal driver 
rushed horses and wagon squarely in front 
of the advancing procession, pulled the 
horses up sharply, and put on the big brake. 
Then he made his lines fast to the brake- 
handle and sat down with the air of one 
who had stopped to stay. The auto had 
been brought to a stop, too, by his big pant- 
ing leaders which had jammed against it. 

Before the chauffeur could back clear an 
old Irishman, driving a rickety express 
wagon and lashing his one horse to a gal- 
lop, had locked wheels with the auto. Drum- 
mond recognized both horse and wagon, for 
he had driven them often himself. The 
Irishman was Pat Morrissey. On the other 
side a brewery wagon was locking with the 
coal wagon, and an east-bound Kearney 
street car, wildly clanging its gong, the 
motorman shouting defiance at the crossing 
policemen, was dashing forward to com- 
plete the blockade. And wagon after wagon 
was locking and blocking and adding to the 
confusion. The meat wagons halted. The 
police were trapped. The roar at the rear 
increased as the mob came on to the at- 
tack, while the vanguard of the police 
charged the obstructing wagons. 

"We're in for it," Drummond remarked 
coolly to Catherine. 

"Yes," she nodded, with equal coolness. 
"What savages they are." 

His admiration for her doubled on itself. 
She was indeed his sort. He would hav$ 
been satisfied with her even if she had 
screamed and clung to him, but this — this 
was magnificent. She sat in that storm 
center as calmly as if it had been no more 
than a block of carriages at the opera. 
» The police were struggling to clear a 
passage. The driver of the coal wagon, a 
big man in shirt sleeves, lighted a pipe and 
sat smoking. He glanced down compla- 
cently at a captain of police who was raving 
and cursing at him, and his only acknowl- 
edgment was a shrug of the shoulders. 
From the rear arose the rat-tat-tat of clubs 
on heads and a pandemonium of cursing, 
yelling, and shouting. A violent accession 
of noise proclaimed that the ' mob had 
broken through and was dragging a scab 
from a wagon. The police captain rein- 
forced from his vanguard, and the mob at 
the rear was repelled. Meanwhile window 

after window in the high office building on 
the right had been opened, and the class- 
conscious clerks were raining a shower of 
office furniture down on the heads of po- 
lice and scabs. Waste-baskets, ink-bottles, 
paper-weights, typewriters — anything and 
everything that came to hand was filling 
the air. 

A policeman, under orders from his cap- 
tain, clambered to the lofty seat of the coal 
wagon to arrest the driver. And the driver, 
rising leisurely and peacefully to meet him, 
suddenly crumpled him in his arms and 
threw him down on top of the captain. The 
driver was a young giant, and when he 
climbed on top his load and poised a lump 
of coal in both hands, a policeman, who was 
just scaling the wagon from the side, let go 
and dropped back to earth. The captain 
ordered half a dozen of his men to take 
the wagon. The teamster, scrambling over 
the load from side to side, beat them down 
with huge lumps of coal. 

The crowd on the sidewalks and the 
teamsters on the locked wagons roared en- 
couragement and their own delight. The 
motorman, smashing helmets with his con- 
troller bar, was beaten into insensibility and 
dragged from his platform. The captain of 
police, beside himself at the repulse of his 
men, led the next assault on the coal wagon. 
A score of police were swarming up the 
tall-sided fortress. But the teamster multi- 
plied himself. At times there were six or 
eight policemen rolling on the pavement 
and under the wagon. Engaged in repul- 
sing an attack on the rear end of his fort- 
ress, the teamster turned about to see the 
captain just in the act of stepping on to the 
seat from the front end. He was still in 
the air and in most unstable equilibrium, 
when the teamster hurled a thirty-pound 
lump of coal. It caught the captain fairly 
on the chest, and he went over backward, 
striking on a wheeler's back, tumbling on 
to the ground, and jamming against the 
rear wheel of the auto. 

Catherine thought he was dead, but he 
picked himself up and charged back. She 
reached out her gloved hand and patted 
the flank of the snorting, quivering horse. 
But Drummond did not notice the action. 
He had eyes for nothing save the battle 
of the coal wagon, while somewhere in his 
complicated psychology one Bill Totts was 
heaving and straining in an effort to come 
to life. Drummond believed in law and 

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order and the maintenance of the estab- 
lished, but this riotous savage within him 
would have none of it. Then, if ever, did 
Freddie Drummond call upon his iron inhi- 
bition to save him. But it is written that 
the house divided against itself must fall. 
And Freddie Drummond found that he had 
divided all the will and force of him with 
Bill Totts, and between them the entity 
that constituted the pair of them was being 
wrenched in twain. 

Freddie Drummond sat in the auto, quite 
composed, alongside Catherine Van Vorst; 
but looking out of Freddie Drummond's 
eyes was Bill Totts, and somewhere behind 
those eyes, battling for the control of their 
mutual body, were Freddie Drummond, 
the sane and conservative sociologist, and 
Bill Totts, the class-conscious and bellicose 
union workingman. It was Bill Totts, look- 
ing out of those eyes, who saw the inevit- 
able end of the battle on the coal wagon. 
He saw a policeman gain the top of the 
load, a second, and a third. They lurched 
clumsily on the loose footing, but their 
long riot-clubs were out and swinging. One 
blow caught the teamster on the head. A 
second he dodged, receiving it on the shoul- 
der. For him the game was plainly up. 
He dashed in suddenly, clutched two police- 
men in his arms, and hurled himself a 
prisoner to the pavement, his hold never 
relaxing on his two captors. 

Catherine Van Vorst was sick and faint 
at sight of the blood and brutal fighting. 
But her qualms were vanquished by the 
sensational and most unexpected happening 
that followed. The man beside her emitted 
an unearthly yell and rose to his feet. She 
saw him spring over the front seat, leap 
to the broad rump of the wheeler, and from 
their gain the wagon. His onslaught was 
like a whirlwind. Before the bewildered 
officer on top the load could guess the 
errand of this conventionally clad but ex- 
cited-seeming gentlemen, he was the reci- 
pient of a punch that arched him back 
through the air to the pavement. A kick 
in the face led an ascending policeman to 
follow his example. A rush of three more 
gained the top and locked with Bill Totts 
in a gigantic clinch, during which his scalp 
was opened up by a club, and coat, vest, 
and half his starched shirt were torn from 
him. But the three policemen were flung 
wide and far and Bill Totts, raining down 
™nps of Q0Blf held the fort. 

The captain led gallantly to the attack, 
but was bowled over by a chunk of coal 
that burst on his head in black baptism. 
The need of the police was to break the 
blockade in front before the mob could 
break in at the rear, and Bill Totts' need 
was to hold the wagon till the mob did 
break through. So the battle of the coal 
went on. 

The crowd had recognized its champion, 
"Big" Bill, as usual, had come to the front, 
and Catherine Van Vorst was bewildered 
by the cries of "Bill! O you Bill I" that 
arose on every hand. Pat Morrissey, on 
his wagon seat, was jumping and scream- 
ing in an ecstasy, "Eat 'em, Bill ! Eat 'em ! 
Eat 'em alive!" From the sidewalk she 
heard a woman's voice cry out, "Look out, 
Bill — front end!" Bill took the warning 
and with well-directed ooal cleaned the 
front end of the wagon of assailants. Cath- 
erine Van Vorst turned her head and saw 
on the curb of the sidewalk a woman with 
vivid coloring and flashing black eyes who 
was staring with all her soul at the man 
who had been Freddie Drummond a few 
minutes before. 

The windows of the office building be- 
came vociferous with applause. The mob 
had broken through on one side the line 
of wagons, and was advancing, each seg- 
regated policeman the center of a fighting 
group. The scabs were torn from their 
seats, the traces of the horses cut, and the 
frightened animals put in flight. Many 
policemen crawled under the coal wagon 
for safety, while the loose horses, with 
here and there a policeman on their backs 
or struggling at their heads to hold them, 
surged across the sidewalk opposite the 
jam and broke into Market street. 

Catherine Van Vorst heard the woman's 
voice calling in warning. She was back 
on the curb again, and crying out: 

"Beat it, Bill! Now's your time! Beat 

The police for the moment had been 
swept away. Bill Totts leaped to the pave- 
ment and made his way to the woman on 
the sidewalk. Catherine Van Vorst saw 
her throw her arms around him and kiss 
him on the lips; and Catherine Van Vorst 
watched him curiously as he went on down 
the sidewalk, one arm around the woman, 
both talking and laughing, and he with a 
volubility and abandon she could never 
have dreamed possible. 

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The police were back again and clearing 
the jam while waiting for reinforcements 
and new drivers and horses. The mob had 
done its work and was scattering, and 
Catherine Van Vorst, still watching, could 
see the man she had known as Freddie 
Drummond. He towered a head above the 
crowd. His arm was still about the wo- 
man. And she in the motorcar, watching, 
saw the pair cross Market street, cross the 
Slot, and disappear down Third street into 
the labor ghetto. 


In the years that followed no more lec- 

tures were given in the University of Cali- 
fornia by one Freddie Drummond, and no 
more books on economics and the labor 
question appeared over the name of Fred- 
erick A. Drummond. On the other hand 
there arose a new labor leader, William 
Totts by name. He it was who married 
Mary Condon, president of the Interna- 
tional Glove Workers Union No. 974; and 
he it was who called the notorious Cooks 
and Waiters' strike, which, before its suc- 
cessful termination, brought out with it 
scores of other unions, among which, 01 
the more remotely allied, were the Chicken 
Pickers and the Undertakers. 

-From The Masses. 


CLASS hatred? Why nobody that is 
grown up feels any class hatred when 
he is sitting home thinking about things. 
The doctrine of the class struggle is flatly 
opposed to class hate. It is a calm and lov- 
ing acknowledgement of the fact that our 
problems arise out of a conflict of interests 
which are inevitable and all right — all right 
on both sides. 

But of course after you go outdoors and 
get into the fight in a concrete situation, 
like that at Little Falls, where the knife is 
drawn and it's a clear case of life against 
profits, then you begin to see red, and you 
forget all about your theory, and start in 

calling names. But we ought not to mind 
a few swear words now and then, so long 
as our general philosophy is so,und. We 
don't have to shake hands at the end of each 
round. That would look silly. 

But we do have to keep the spirit of sym- 
pathy and good sense alive in our hearts, 
and recognize all along that human's is hu- 
man's. The true spirit for those on the un- 
der side of a class struggle is summed up 
forever in the greeting of Mother Jones to 
the Warden at San Quentin — "Poor boy, 
God damn your soul, you can't help it!" — 
From The Masses. 

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Doing Us Good — And Plenty 

By Ckarles Edward Russell 

WELL, fellow Americans, tariff re- 
form wasn't the thing, after all, 
was it? 

Do you remember how we 
were told year after year that the abomin- 
able tariff was the root of all our troubles? 
It was the tariff that increased the cost of 
living; it was because of the tariff that we 
were getting relatively poorer all the time. 
Whenever we pointed out that provisions 
were constantly growing dearer, clothing 
cost more, and rents were higher, the an- 
swer from the wise men was always pat. 

Blame all this to the tariff, they said. It 
was behind the protecting wall of the 
tariff that all such evils grew. 

They made the thing look rather plausi- 
ble, too. 

There was an import duty on meat, for 
instance. Therefore, we could bring no 
meat from abroad, and the American packer 
having no competition, could charge us 
what he pleased. That was the reason why 
meat was dear. 

There was an import duty on wool ; that 
was the reason why clothing was so dear. 


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There was an import duty on sugar; 
that was the reason why sugar was high 
and all articles into which sugar entered 
cost us so much. 

There was an import duty on lumber; 
that made houses dear and rents high. 

On practically everything we consumed 
was an import duty, and thus we suffered 
from it. To make living cheap, therefore, 
behold the simple, certain prescription — Re- 
duce the tariff and you reduce the price we 
must pay. 

Same way with the trusts. 

Those hideous monsters of our dreams, 
how quickly they would vanish when the 
fierce, man-eating tariff should be driven 
from our midst! "The tariff is the origin 
of the trusts," sang from ocean to ocean a 
large, if indiscriminate, chorus. Some per- 
sons thought the trust question was com- 
plex and difficult to handle. Gifted think- 
ers that were editing Democratic newspa- 
pers knew better. The simple way to abol- 
ish the trusts was to abolish or reduce the 
tariff that nourished the trusts. 

For instance, if beef were admitted free 
of duty, that would dispose of the Beef 
Trust, because then we could buy our meat 
from abroad and be independent and happy. 

If sugar were admitted free the Sugar 
Trust would not last twenty-four hours. 
Put lumber on the free list and watch the 
Lumber Trust melt away, and rents come 
down with a rush. Reduce the tariff on 
steel and the Steel Trust would cease to 
bother and the Wire Trust be at rest. 

And it seemed well that we should do 
something of the kind, for even to the dull- 
est and fattest witted observer the situation 
was becoming alarming; if not for him- 
self, being full of beef and mutton, at least 
to his country. You see the cost of living 
had been increasing rather rapidly for 
many years, and as wages had increased 
comparatively little, and in some instances 
not at all, this did seem to make a tough 
situation for the workingman. Even a fat 
millionaire Senator could see that — if it 
were brought to his attention often enough. 
It wasn't serious for him, of course, but it 
might be serious for somebody else. 

As to the fact itself, that was not a mat- 
ter of assertion ; it was a matter of statis- 
tics as well as of common knowledge 
among the millions and millions affected by 
it. Of course old Senator Sorghum does 
not know anything about it from personal 

experience, because an increase in the cost 
of his living is offset by the natural in- 
crease in his revenue from the investments 
that are fattened upon other folks. But he 
can very easily ascertain all about it if he 
will turn to the official and other reports. 
Thus, for instance, what are called "index 
numbers," a device for registering average 
prices on the markets, show that in twelve 
years the average cost of living has in- 
creased 50 per cent, and in seventeen years 
it has increased nearly 80 per cent, but in 
the same period of seventeen years the 
average of wages and salaries has increased 
no more than 20 per cent. 

In other words, here is demonstration for 
the well-fed Senators of a fact that to all 
the workers needs no other demonstration 
than their experience. The worker in 
America is constantly growing poorer. 
Every year he must pay more for prac- 
tically everything he buys, and whatever 
good luck he may have had in securing an 
increase of wages the prices have soared 
faster than his income. Every worker 
knows this. It is only set down here to 
explain what happened to the mind of Sen- 
ator Sorghum when the fact was driven in 
upon him. 

Not only is the cost of living increasing 
more rapidly than any increase in wages, but 
every time wages are forced up, whether 
by strikes, threats, appeals, the work of the 
unions or what else, the fact is made an 
excuse for jacking up the cost of living 
another notch, so that the increase in the 
good man's wage really reacts to his disad- 

Thus, when in 1910 the anthracite coal 
miners succeeded in extracting from the 
Coal Trust a slight increase in their wages, 
the Trust immediately used the fact as an 
excuse to advance the price of coal 25 
cents a ton, and thereby increased its in- 
come $15,000,000 a year; whereas the in- 
crease of wages it had granted to the min- 
ers cost the Trust only $6,440,000 a year— 
thus adding $8,560,000 net to its yearly 
gouge. But the increase of 25 cents a ton 
went into the production cost and the trans- 
portation cost of 90 per cent of the things 
the miners bought; with the result that 
they were no better off than they were be- 

But the Trust had $8,560,000 more to 

All these facts were undeniable and not 

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pleasant to contemplate, even to the gentle- 
men of the professional and well-to-do 
classes, to whom exclusively (for some rea- 
son never disclosed) we entrust our govern- 

It was all well enough to have a working 
class perpetually on a lower social plane, 
but if that working class was every year 
being worse fed and worse housed, and was 
getting constantly poorer, those among our 
legislators that were able to think at all 
conceived that the outlook was not wholly 

Suppose the working class, for example, 
under such conditions, should get tired of 
being forever fooled into supporting Law- 
yer Sorghum and Politician Mazuma ; sup- 
pose the worker should quit voting for his 
employers, as represented in the Republican 
and Democratic parties, and begin to vote 
for himself. You see the possibilities were 
not nice. Of course the worker never had 
revolted nor shown signs of insubordina- 
tion in his politics, but there was no telling 
what might happen in such an extraordi- 
nary situation. Where the cost of living 
was always increasing, and there was no 
corresponding increase in wages, was every 
possibility of trouble. Every year it was 
harder for the workingman's wife to make 
her husband's income buy the food for the 
household and clothe the children; every 
year she must scrimp more and practice 
more self-denial; and every year the 
chances for the children grew worse. 

For all this again some of the well-fed 
contingent told us the simple remedy was 
to reduce the tariff. If we could import 
the articles now monopolized by the innu- 
merable trusts the trusts would dry up and 
blow away all commodities would nec- 
essarily be cheapened, and, of course, down 
would come the cost of living. 

Workingmen were told this* throughout 
the campaign of 1912, and seemed to be- 
lieve what they were told, for the country 
elected a Democratic President and a Con- 
gress Democratic in both houses, and this 
Democratic administration promptly ap- 
plied the simple remedy that had been doped 
out by the wise men. Congress passed the 
law reducing the tariff on most things and 
abolishing it on those important articles 
that were supposed to control the high cost 
of living. 

Bread was put on the free list ; so were 

Meat was put on the free list. 

Milk and eggs, potatoes, cattle and hogs, 
fruits and lard were put on the free list. 

Wool was put on the free list. 

Corn and cornmeal were put on the free 
list; so were bacon and hams. 

Lumber was put on the free list. 

Wheat and flour were put practically on 
the free list. 

Coal was put on the free list to reduce 
manufacturing cost and household ex- 
penses; so was kerosene. 

Iron ore, pig iron, hides, leather, boots 
and shoes, cotton, steel ingots, billets and 
slabs were put on the free list. 

The duty on sugar was greatly reduced 
for the time being, to be abolished a little 

Salt was put on the free list; so were 
fresh water fish. 

As you will see, a whole bill of fare, and 
then some. 

This great and wonderful reform has 
now been in operation about one year. 

The result is that the cost of living has 
not been reduced ; the trusts have not been 
busted, but only benefited; the situation of 
labor has not been improved. 

Exactly as before, the workers continue 
to grow poorer. The cost of living contin- 
ues to increase upon them. There is no 
corresponding increase in their wages. The 
winter of 1913-14 was the worst that the 
working class has seen in the country for 
many years; more men were out of work; 
there was in all parts of the country a more 
acute distress. Chicago, St. Louis, San 
Francisco, and many other cities saw dem- 
onstrations by the unemployed the like of 
which had never before been witnessed in 
American communities. In New York the 
charitable societies estimated that there 
were 350,000 men without employment, and 
it was admitted that the resources of the 
cify government and of private charity 
were utterly unable to cope with the situa- 
tion. Many of the unions were caring for 
unusual numbers of the destitute among 
their members. In more than one city the 
well-to-do were appalled at the plain mani- 
festations of distress and discontent among 
what are called in snobbish speech "the 

So it is apparent, brethren, that Tariff 
Reform isn't the thing ; they were not giv- 
ing to us the correct dope when they handed 
that out. We have had the blessed old tariff 

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reformed and reduced and amputated and 
tinkered with in every way those experts 
could suggest, and the trouble keeps on ex- 
actly as before. 

Still the cost of living increases, and there 
is no corresponding increase in wages and 
salaries. Still, therefore, the whole work- 
ing class is getting poorer and the prospect 
for the children of that class gets darker. 

But the tariff tinkerers were not the only 
Old Docs that undertook to .find a cure for 
these augmenting troubles. A great many 
declared that at bottom the whole thing was 
a question of getting more out of the land. 
We were not producing enough. 

Thus, if we produced more wheat the 
price would fall, and that would bring down 
the price of bread, and when bread fell of 
course other things would fall, too, and 
there you are with a full solution. Back 
to the farm — that was the grand idea. Let 
everybody go to farming. Qnly a small 
part of the total surface of the land was 
cultivated. Immense areas in addition were 
susceptible of cultivation. Let all those 
now suffering from poverty in our cities go 
west and turn farmer. This would relieve 
the congestion in the labor market and at 
the same time reduce the cost of living by 
increasing enormously the supplies of food. 
How the people of the cities were to get 
possession of farms was not explained, nor 
how if they got the land they would find 
farming profitable when the prices of all 
farm products were to be cut in half or so. 
But trifles like these were not allowed to 
stand in the way of the only true and infal- 
lible remedy for all the ills of the nation. 
Hence, back to the land ! Let everybody turn 
farmer! Shoes, probably, would grow on 
trees, and trousers on bushes. Anyway, 
back to the land! 

Well, it seems we have been going bauk 
to the land, and we have been increasing 
our farm products, and yet nobody can de- 
tect any change in the general situation, ex- 
cept that it grows worse. 

I have here the figures before me. In 
1913 there were more farms than ever, and 
they produced more food. The value of the 
farm products raised in the United States 
in that year was more than six billion dol- 
lars, and exceeded any crop records in our 
history. We raised about twice as much in 
1913 as we raised in 1899, and a billion dol- 
lars' worth more than we raised in 1909. 
It was the bumper crop of America. 

The number of farms had increased 11 
per cent since 1910. The total number in 
1913 was 6,600,000. 

So we have been going back to the land, 
and we have been applying this far-famed 
remedy, and these are the results. I do not 
need to preach any pessimistic view of the 
outcome. An official bulletin of the Agri- 
cultural Department tells the story and sup- 
plies the comment. First, the facts. The 
bulletin says : 

Corn, with a value of $1,692,000,000, comprised 
28 per cent of the value of all crops, although the 
volume was under the record. The other princi- 
pal crops with values are given in the order in 
which they come: Cotton, $798,000,000; hay,, 
$797,000,000; wheat— the largest crop ever raised 
in this country—$610,000,000; oats, $440,000,000; 
potatoes, $228,000,000; tobacco, $122,000,000; bar- 
ley, $96,000,000 ; sweet potatoes, $43,000,000 ; sugar 
beets, $34,000,000; Louisiana cane sugar, $26,000,- 
000; rye, $26,000,000; rice, $22,000,000; flaxseed, 
$21,000,000; hops $15,000,000; buckwheat, $10,000,- 

In quantity of estimated production the record 
has been broken by wheat, rye, rice, sugar beets, 
beet sugar, and the total of beet and cane sugar. 
Of the remaining crops, oats, barley, cotton and 
hops have been exceeded twice in production. 

The value of the crops of 1913 is high. A new 
high record in estimated value is made by the 
total of all cereals, and separately by corn, cot- 
ton, cottonseed, tobacco, and sugar beets. Only 
once has there been a higher estimated value of 
oats, rye, rice, potatoes, hay, hops, and the total 
of beet and cane sugar. Only twice has the esti- 
mated value of wheat and of beet sugar been ex- 

Dairy products of 1913 are estimated at more 
than $814,000,000; eggs and fowls have an esti- 
mated value of more than $578,000,000. 

The wool production of 1913 was estimated at 
304,000,000 pounds. 

The prices of fourteen principal crops average 
about 20.2 per cent higher than a year ago and 
4.6 per cent higher than two years ago. Their 
total values average about 3.8 per cent higher than 
a year ago and 7.6 per cent higher than two years 

The value of the agricultural exports of do- 
mestic production in the fiscal year 1913 was $1,- 
123,021,469, an amount which has not before been 
equaled. The reexports, otherwise called the ex- 
ports of foreign agricultural products, are esti- 
mated at $12,000,000. The socalled balance of 
trade in agricultural products is in favor of the 
exports of domestic farm products by $296,- 

The cotton crop now seems to be established 
in value as next in order after corn. The lint of 
this crop in 1913, at the price of December 1, had 
an estimated value of $798,000,000, and this was 
not equaled in any former year. It is 14% per 
cent above the average of the preceding five 
years. The estimated number of bales of 500 
pounds gross weight in this crop is 13,677,000; 
consequently, this crop has been exceeded in 

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«— rr.: :n 

22 ^ 1912. I* the 

"£?£ department says: 
" H .ever des,abl< inched P- > , 

* " mS ^ i? do" not follow that s«ch a mc. n 

farms «»;» ,«££ not follow ™ aC in £ ea se m the 
standpoint, tt aoea any m^, , m p0 pu- 

u.«* it is extreme^ ^en any orn cnect ot 

cenC /«Q00 a year ^ uld ^ 6 r Improving the 
^ aSt vSk Association forlrnpr into 

New *or* p r r ecenuy tests 

Condign o ^ficaUy, «f f^gticul- 
this S f£ the conclusions of he Ag ^^ 

sh °^ e Depa tment were \° v ° Sef tenement 
tural uepi' t ven ty-seveu and, 

Association took was. caring ^ be 
house ja^ t ^ vest igation,adducea 

way*. . . . 1.298 

Rent and Ug"t ' _ . 4 33 

Food ;.' :.... .045 

Clothing ... .089 

Fuel .0* 8 

Lunches _ . . .079 

Dues .05 

Medicine # .065 

ice ;;:: ;;;:.. .091 

Carfare ,- c .097 

household su PP l>es ■ • • •____ 

Miscellaneous «>> «165 


Plainly. *!"'.£ increased cost of l.^S 
*£* of a working* an ^ ^ , 

>»f a workingman - yer $5 00 a £- 
tl£ a family was a tn n . ltur al uep c ,, n . 
^ aestivations of the Agnc ^ t0 sU p 
^ent showed a year or t*o *b 

. . daily buag" *». — 

ToS yearly budget _ -^ ^^5 

T{ W e take the Ag rw £" best that can be 
fiJarS as in dicat,ng „lies which is prob- 

l c s. « niirSi^ ££0? 

« *'• tCeTavTS —1 1— 

vestments, have 

sons that think sl ^ terrible facts as these 
.K philosopher usuauy | on 

cS^ d t;?eorr«%,^ t 

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even have now a National Thrift Society 
for the purpose of teaching workingmen 
and their wives how to make two dishes of 
one soup bone and to turn papa's trousers 
a third time for little Willie. 

It is easy enough for a man with an in- 
come of $25,000 a year to preach thrift. If 
he were one of the many millions of work- 
ers whose average annual income is $500 
with a $900 family to support his eloquence 
on this subject would drop a little. How 
are you to practice economy when every 
cent you can earn or hope to earn is swept 
away the moment it touches your hand by 
pressing needs and imperative demands? 
The Thrift Society has not told us this. I 
wish it would in the next beautifully printed 

But about this matter of improving your 
condition and rising in the world and all 

It is customarily put forth with a wealth 
of instances to make the grand old truth 
apparent to every workingman. James J. 
Hill began life as a farmer's boy, Charles 
M. Hays was an obscure clerk in a railroad 
office, Thomas F. Ryan's first job was to 
sweep out a store at $3 a week, Charles M. 
Schwab used to be a workman in an iron 
mill, Andrew Carnegie landed on these 
shores all but penniless. See ? These are 
the opportunities offered in this country to 
men that are zealous and industrious. Be 
zealous ; that's the thing. Regard your em- 
ployer's interest as your own. Serve him 
faithfully and get your wages increased. 
Then you will not have to complain about 
hard times and the increased cost of living. 

Yes. Well, there is about one foreman, 
overseer, superintendent or other salaried 
officer to every 333 workers, so that even 
at the best the gaudy prospect offered by 
this prescription is that mayb'e one person 
in 333 can rise and the rest must remain 
exactly as they are, no matter how hard 
they may strive, no matter how diligent, 
industrious, zealous and serviceable they 
may be. They can wear out their hearts 
and lives in the effort to improve their con- 
dition, and have nothing to show for it but 
their pains. 

This is on the theory that all officers of 
all corporations and industries are taken 
from the ranks, and that such officers have 
the same average length of life that work- 
ers have. 

But, as a matter of fact, the situation is 

much worse than I have shown, because 
most officers are not taken from the ranks, 
and the average length of life among them 
is much greater than among toilers 

Prof. Scott Nearing, in his valuable book, 
"Financing the Wage Earner's Family," has 
some interesting facts that illuminate this 
subject. He takes the railroad worker as 
a typical case, which is good, since it is the 
officer of the railroad that is most frequent- 
ly held up to the admiring throng as an 
example of "getting on in the world." 

It appears that ostensibly and on the face 
of the returns a railroad trainman has one 
chance in three hundred of becoming some 
kind of an officer on his line, but he has 
every year a far greater chance of being 
killed in the performance of his duty for 
his kind and generous employer. Every 
year he has one chance in twenty of being 
injured and one chance in one hundred of 
being killed. If he shall work as long as 
twenty years while he seeks by diligence and 
zeal to better his condition, the chances are 
even that in that period he will be injured, 
and one to six that he will be killed, so that 
the chance of being injured is three hundred 
times as great and of being killed is fifty 
times as great as his chance of becoming 
a general officer in the company. 

From this and other illustrations Prof. 
Nearing deduces that the tendency of mod- 
ern industry is toward a form of organiza- 
tion that will require the wage-worker to 
remain a wage-worker, and without the 
least hope of being anything else. 

Prof. Nearing also seems to find that 
when a worker reaches thirty years of age 
the slender, elusive chances he may have 
had, one in three hundred or four hundred 
of securing a better position, are practically 
exhausted, and from that time on he can 
look for nothing better, but only things 
worse. At thirty he has reached the maxi- 
mum of his earning power. But there is 
no limit to the minimum, for wages are al- 
ways subject to contingencies of sickness, 
accidents, suspensions in the industry, over- 
production, new inventions and the like. 

So while the cost of living increases upon 
this working class and there is no corre- 
sponding increase in its wages, it is con- 
fronted with an iron-bound condition that 
offers no possible escape from a state 
steadily growing worse. This is not the de- 
duction of an agitator; it is the conclusion 

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of the highest authority in the United States 
on work and wages. 

No, it is perfectly obvious that the work- 
ing man is not getting any of the profit 
that is reaped from the increased cost of 
living. Nor is the working woman. Mr. 
Abram I. Elkus, of the recent New York 
State Commission to investigate factory 
conditions, made a searching inquiry 
about two great industries that employed 
together 10,893 women, and found that hun- 
dreds of these women received a compensa- 
tion of $3 a week or less, while other hun- 
dreds received less than $8 each. On this 
he said : 

"Some remedy is needed for such conditions. 
You know and I know that women can't live and 
keep body and soul together on such a wage as 
this. We have got to give the employes a living 

Miss Mary Dreier, another investigator, 
said that the object of the state was to dis- 
cover if there were any industries that were 
paying wages upon which employees could 
not live, and the Commission had ascer- 
tained that there were thousands of girls 
earning from $3.50 to $7 a week. 

"We know they can't live properly on 
that," said Miss Dreier, "and still they go 
along doing the best they can. We also 
know big able-bodied men earning not more 
than $7 or $9 a week. They have families 
to support, and we know it can't be done." 

Miss Dreier said that in one store she 

(Mr. Russell will answer this 

investigated the rule was that the chairs for 
sales girls which were required by law were 
not to be used, and that the girls were 
afraid to tell about it. 

"Why is that?" she asked. 

A girl in the crowd called back, "Black- 

So it appears that not only do these 
women work for less than enough to live 
on, but they are denied the right of speak- 
ing about the conditions under which they 
work, even when those conditions violate 
the law. Some one with an expert mind 
should point out the difference between 
such a situation and the slavery that ex- 
isted in the South before the Civil War. 

Still, the great toll is collected, and more 
of it every year, for still the perilous condi- 
tion is maintained under which the cost of 
living is increasing, and there is np corre- 
sponding increase in wages and salaries. 
Where, then, does the tribute go? The 
farmer does not get it, but complains all 
the time of diminished returns for his hard 
work, complains so bitterly that he is now 
organizing or trying to organize a huge 
marketing system of his own that will save 
him a part of the money now taken from 
him. The worker does not get it, because 
he grows always poorer, and slides down- 
ward to lower standards of living and 
bleaker prospects for himself and his chil- 
dren. Where does it go? 

question in the August number) 

Ttc Marseillaise in tne Tombs 

Written by Upton Sinclair on hearing the four girls who were 
arrested with him for picketing the Standard Oil offices, singing the 
Marseillaise in the next cell to his in the Tombs prison, New York. 

FIRST comes the settler with his ax and plow, 
He clears the land and founds the future state; 
A Freeman, proud and happy in his toil, 

Sure that the nation will be strong and great; 
Then comes the trader, with his cunning wiles, 

He takes the land — the freeman is a slave ; 
And justice sleeps, hatred and murder reign, 
Hunger and want pursue men to their grave. 

They rear the prison with its iron bars, 

And all the solemn majesty of law ; 
But hark, the sound ! The prison walls awake, 

The song that roused a people into war. 
Rejoice, rejoice! The voice of hope is heard, 

There are no bars forged by the powers of wrong, 
There stands no prison upon God's fair earth 

That can withstand the fury of that song. 

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The Poor Man's Smoke 

By Marion ^Vrignt 

THANK goodness ! the working man 
is still permitted "baccy," though 
the noonday and evening pipe is 
about the only consolation left in 
some parts to the man who toils by capi- 
talist and capricious reformer. Bad habit 
it undoubtedly is, but there is many a 
philosophic comforter born in a wreath 
of smoke. Mark Twain died with a cigar 
in his mouth, and often stated that to- 
bacco was his greatest aid. The average 
man feels at peace with the world when 
he is smoking and no remedy that will 
dissipate a grouch should be considered 
more harmful than the disease. 

As "Havana," in speaking of tobacco, 
calls to mind our millionaire friends in 
their plush clubs, we will consider a less 
pretentious, though not one whit inferior 
brand of tobacco — the Filipino. And in 
passing let us prick with the point of our 
meddlesome pen the Havana bubble. 
Know ye, all who pull out a "two-fer-a- 

quarter pure Havana cigar," and dream 
pure Havana dreams, that there is only 
one small valley in the world that pro- 
duces genuine Havana tobacco. This lies 
near the city of that name in Cuba and its 
crop is contracted for years in advance. 
There is not enough Havana tobacco 
grown in a year if root, stalk and leaf 
were used, to put a wisp half as big as a 
broomstraw in one ten-thousandth of the 
"pure Havana cigars" sold in the world 
in one month. The Havana fake is on a 
par with that of French champagne. Ex- 
perts have proved by facts and figures 
that there is not enough acreage in wine 
grapes in all France to produce the wine 
sold under one standard brand in the 
United States alone, to say nothing of the 
amount consumed in the great capitals of 
Europe. So let us forget the aristocrat 
with his exclusive brand and turn to to- 
bacco that is tobacco and of which there 
is such an abundance that it will be long 


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permitted to live honestly under its own 

The Philippines is the home of tobacco. 
There, almost without exception, men, 
women and children smoke. You can get 
a light from a naked youngster of six or 
from a grandma smoking a cigar six 
inches long and thick as a longshoreman's 
thumb. A package of thirty cigarettes 
of the best costs a nickel. A cigar you 
will pay a quarter for at home comes to 
five cents gold in the islands, while one 
producing a snowy white ash — no dull 
gray, but hard white — can be procured at 
the rate of three for five. This is the 
smoker's paradise. No wonder from Ma- 
nila alone are exported 196 million cigars 
and 33 million cigarettes every year. No 
wonder the total product of its factories 
is four times as many cigars and fifty 
times as many cigarettes. No wonder one 
factory alone turns out twenty thousand 
cigars and six to seven million machine- 
made cigarettes a day. No wonder the 
employes of this factory work at their 
machines on piece work from four o'clock 
in the morning to five o'clock in the after- 
noon. No wonder that with an hour and 
a half for their simple meal of rice and 
fish employes in the same factory stay 
with their hand piece work from seven 
o'clock in the morning to ten o'clock at 

Let us visit a typical factory, in a clean, 
well-ventilated room ; seven hundred men 
and women of the fifteen hundred em- 
ployed are at work. There is no smell 
save an indistinct fragrance, the fragrance 
that one gets as one buries one's nose in 
the best Christmas present to friends at 
home — a box of Manilas. 

Cleanliness and ventilation are the two 
essentials for contented workmen and the 
tobacco factories of Manila satisfy both 
these requirements, each of the large fac- 
tories having its own plantation or 
hacienda. This was not always true, but 
the vendors of other brands of tobacco 
fought the Philippine product savagely 
on sanitary grounds alone. "You may be 
smoking Asiatic plague or other vile dis- 
eases of the Orient," they warned the 
man who asked for a "Manila." Manufac- 
turers of Manila went their critics one 
better by making their factories real 
models of cleanliness. If the thing were 

possible, they carried the point to an ex- 
treme, employes being required to dress 
in spotless white. 

One company in the Philippines owns 
forty thousand acres of the best to*bacco 
land in the islands and operates the larg- 
est cigar factory in the world. It has 
more than eight thousand tenants on its 
various plantations and in addition owns 
and operates ten large steamers, with 
ninety smaller vessels, making a fleet of 
one hundred ships. There are in addi- 
tion innumerable small growers who are 
willing to sell to the buyers who go up 
and down through the provinces. To- 
bacco comes from Isabela and Ilocos 
Norte, but the great tobacco growing dis- 
trict is the valley of the Rio Grande de 

At one time the tobacco growers used 
to dispose of their crop before it was 
ready to dry, but since the American oc- 
cupation the advice of experts has pro- 
duced a radical change both in the quality 
and in the quantity. 

On the hacienda, the most primitive 
methods of cultivation are in use. The 
tinv wooden plow is of Chinese origin, 
with narrow iron shoes shaped like wings. 
The only work animal is the carabao, 
slow-moving servant of a slow-moving 

The seed beds must be on high ground, 
well exposed to wind and sun. They 
cover from forty to fifty feet square. 

The seeds are taken from the pods of 
plants with the finest flowers, kept in 
earthen jars to protect them against 
moisture. They are mixed with fine dry 
sand or ashes and pressed down with the 
bare foot into the prepared soil. When 
the young plants begin to show above the 
ground they are provided with house cov- 
ering of bamboo or banana leaves from 
early morning to evening. Day and 
night the grower watches them like chil- 
dren. After a month and a half or two 
months the plants are taken up and care- 
fully pulled on moonlight nights or in 
the cool of the early morning, and then 
transplanted to a new home where they 
will have more room to grow. If three 
weeks after their move they show steady 
signs of growth the plow is again brought 
to bear over the land between the rows, 
and another two months later they are 

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trimmed so as to produce nothing but 
thick, gummy leaves. As soon as the 
leaves develop the hardest work begins. 

Tobacco insects are not only numerous 
but increasing in their ravages, day and 
night; day in and day out, in rain or sun- 
shine, men, women and children have to 
be up and doing. It is a weird sight to 
see, by the light of moving torches, the 
varicolored figures bending anxiously 
over their precious charges. Green bugs 
make for the top of the plant, yellow bugs 
attack the leaves, black bugs perforate 
the trunk, white moths fly around the 
leaves, laying their eggs here, there and 
everywhere to create an army of cater- 
pillars ready for everlasting damage. 

If the leaves ever assume the yellow 
tinge which shows that ripening has com- 
menced it is for no lack of care. 

Drying takes from twenty-five to thirty 
days — or a little less in the sun. The 
grower has not learned the quality of 
fresh green leaves, so he arranges them 
according to size after being dampened 
and tied up in bales. If the buyer is buy- 
ing from a private grower the price per 

bale is already fixed before the bargain is 
struck. The only question is as to the 
grade to which the leaves belong. First- 
class leaves will fetch seven dollars gold ; 
fifth-class leaves will fetch twenty-five 
cents, though by reasonable care a 
grower can get twenty-eight times as 
much. Every factory in Manila has an 
output onto the Pasig river, or onto one 
or another of the countless small streams 
that run into the river. The tobacco is 
landed at the back door and carried 
straight up to the drying room. Here it 
is given a hot-air treatment. As soon as 
the treatment is deemed sufficient the 
leaves are taken out. In some cases they 
have not been stripped and a stalk or a 
small leaf has yet to be taken out. Old 
women and children do this work. It is 
unskilled labor, but experts are required 
to grade the tobacco leaves. The double 
grading seems unnecessary, but the 
"tobaquero" dare not risk sending out 
poor material for good. The leaf is now 
ready for making into the finished prod- 
uct. If it is for cigarettes it has to be 
chopped up fine. In one end of the ma- 


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chine goes, the chopped tobacco ; out at 
the other end comes the finished cigarette. 
There is no hand interference. Gum and 
paper is supplied en route. The cigar- 
ettes are rapidly carried to a small table. 
Here sits the worker with her packages. 
Each package holds thirty, no more or 
less. A girl who is quick at her work 
can count thirties out of the heap at the 
rate of four thousand an hour. There is 
no actual counting. Her right hand on 
the heap — and opens it ready for the grip. 
Like lightning it closes on the right num- 
ber. With the left she draws an empty 
package towards the filled hand. Another 
flash and the package is no longer empty. 
A rapid movement and the cigarettes are 
lightly pressed down and ready for the 

The cigar process is different. The 
leaves, now properly graded, are laid flat 
on the table. With a sharp, broad knife 
they are cut into the required length and 
shape. On a ledge is a little pot of gum. 
Everything else in the factory is Filipino 
but this and the wood of the cigar boxes, 
which comes from Germany. The leaves 

are rolled between the hands gradually 
over and over till, from a flat, shapeless 
mass, they begin to assume the form of a 
cigar. Then the gum is applied with the 
tip of the finger where it is necessary, 
and the rolling and the gumming con- 
tinue until it assumes the elongated oval 
shape that has come to be the perquisite 
of a cigar. 

Now one would think that the box 
stage has been reached, but there are sev- 
eral steps to be gone through yet. Some 
smokers like a dark cigar, some a light 
"Colorado" and "Claro"— terms well 
known to connoisseurs — and between 
"Colorado" and "Claro" are "Colorado 
Claro" and "Claro Colorado," which des- 
ignate the cigar that is neither very light 
nor very dark. Behind a dark gauze 
shade, to exclude anything but the pure 
light, an old man is patiently putting 
cigars in their proper class. He never 
errs, he never hesitates. Every cigar goes 
surely into its own group, and as one 
looks into the groups one stands amazed 
at the absolute equality of color. 

"A Girl Who Is Quick at Her Work Can Count Thirties Out of the Heap at the Rate of Four Thousand an Hour.' 

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The best are wrapped up in silver pa- 
per, in gold paper, or even inclosed in a 
hermetically sealed glass tube. Here they 
lie awaiting the time when they will be 
drawn out for use, to do their duty to 
chase away troubles, to make and keep 
friends, to soothe the nervous, to bring 
back remembrances of home and the girl. 
We have seen all there is to see. We ask 
for a "fosforo," we draw from our pocket 
the luscious weed the factory has just 
given us for a reminder, we carefully 
draw off its wrappings and throw them to 

the winds, the lighted match is applied to 
the pointed end, one puff and all our 
thought is of what we have seen and 
gone through. The rapid movement of 
countless hands, the thousand odd intent 
workers, the wonderful issue of that fac- 
tory is typical of other factories in Ma- 
nila, of the whole islands. It is a far cry 
from the busy, troubled "tao" in the far- 
off Cagayan valley to the little red store 
on the corner, but tobacco bridges the 
gulf. Let us smile, smoke and be thank- 



Secretary Ohio State Federation of the Brotherhood of Railway Clerks. 

I DO not believe in strikes in the trans- 
portation, industry. As transportation 
workers we should be so well organ- 
ized that strikes would not be neces- 
sary. During the month of March, 1913, 
we had a flood in Ohio. Cleveland es- 
caped without loss of life, but our flats 
were flooded, the railroads were crippled, 
and what happened? In one day eleva- 
tors began shutting down, steam coal 
doubled itself in price, meat from out of 
town could not be had at any price, and 
poultry went up in price from 15 to 24 # 
cents a pound. This all happened with 
four roads out of commission — what 
would have happened if all the roads had 
been tied up? Cleveland would have 
been starving in two days. 

With this evidence of the necessity that 
the railroads be kept running, why have 
not the Illinois Central boys won their 
strike long before this? You can not say 
the boys have not fought, yes, even unto 
death; they have filled the jails, starved 
and stood steadfast, and yet after nineteen 
months we find them still on the firing 
line — going to win, this we know and are 
sure of, but why have they not won long 
before this ? 

The answer is simple: We are not 
organized right. We fight right. Many 
of the trades have said in the past that 
the clerks would not fight, yet on the 
Illinois Central the union clerks came out 

to a man, and helped to fill the jails in the 

The Machinists, Boiler Makers, Car 
Men, Blacksmiths and Helpers, Steam- 
fitters, Sheet Metal Workers, Painters, 
Brotherhood of Railway Clerks and La- 
borers, all came out, and have remained 
out. But on the other hand we find the 
Federation of Labor Freight Handlers 
and the Federation of Labor Telegraph 
Operators still working. Think of it — 
working with seven other of the Federa- 
tion of Labor unions battling for their 
lives. And along with them are the in- 
dependent brotherhoods. We can hardly 
blame the Brotherhood of Trainmen, 
Firemen, Engineers, Conductors and oth- 
ers not affiliated with the Federation of 
Labor for remaining at work and looking 
with suspicion on the transportation 
workers in the Federation of Labor where 
they scab on each other. 

The question for the boys to decide is, 
do they want an organization that can 
lick the boss, and do it without a strike, 
or do they want to go through more of 
the Illinois Central experiences? It is 
up to them, not the officers, but the rank 
and file who do all the suffering, and pay 
all the dues. When they say it shall stop 
it will stop, and not until then. 

Did you ever stop to think — the capi- 
talistic class has ; it is a reason why they 
fight the federation so — that there is not 

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more than three days' supply of food in 
any city? There is not more than two 
weeks' supply of coal. That today when 
a craft on the railroad goes out on strike, 
instead of having to fight the railroad 
corporations of the country (for the rail- 
road corporations are united into one big 
union — and they make an injury to one 
the concern of all, and well do the I. C. 
boys know this), instead of having to bat- 
tle with them, we find 35 different other 
trades or craft organizations that we have 
to lick before we can reach the boss. Is 
it any wonder that it takes us nineteen 
months to do the job? Give us one big 
union of all the transportation workers, 
and if we had a strike we would all strike 
together. Well, boys, there is only two 
or three days' of supply in any city — 
leave that sink in — the railroads would 
have to come to terms inside of a week, 
or the railroad officials and the capitalist 
class would have a taste of the bread line 
that they never had before, and when it 
came to doing without their regulars they 
would not be in it with the working class, 
who are not only used to it, but in such 
a case would be prepared for it. But there 
would be no starving, there would be no 
strike; we would come to an agreement 
and the agreement would be just what 
the transportation workers asked for. 

And how can this be accomplished? 
Nothing easier. Just One Big Union. 

Now do not howl Knights of Labor at 
me. I know they accomplished more 
while in existence than was ever accom- 
plished before or since with their one big 
imperfectly formed union, but organized 
capital put one over on them by getting 
the wage workers to divide their forces 
into separate craft unions and have been 
whipping them ever since. Do not howl 
A. R. U. and Debs. We know their 
mixed transportation organization was 
not organized right, even though it took 
the U. S. army along with union scabs to 
whip them. And do not throw up your 
hands in horror and scream I. W. W. 
sabotage, although that word "sabotage" 
makes the chills run up the back of every 
cockroach capitalist who lives on divi- 
dends. Forget them all. Neither do I 
wish to destroy the present brotherhoods 
or unions on the railroads. I simply want 
them to make good that long suit cry of 
theirs that "In union there is strength," 
and get together into One Big Union. 
Not a loose Federation in which the F. 
of L. telegraphers can be working — some 
of us call it scabbing — while the F. of L. 
clerks are striking, but one Federation 
of all railroad organizations, with one 
general head, with a common defense 
fund into which we could all pay and 
from which we could all draw. When 
such an organization is formed there will 
be no more strikes. 


By Kate Sadler 

A GREAT Historical Event took 
place in Seattle on May 30, 1914. 
Memorial Day has taken on a new 
meaning. It has been clothed 
with a Dignity and Grandeur that no 
military celebration could ever have 
brought to it. This came through La- 
bor's efforts, as all else has come. Seattle 
has set an example to the Labor Move- 
ment of the UNITED STATES which 
is best expressed in the old saying, Go 
thou and do likewise. Here is where 
Imitation will surely become the sin- 
cerest flattery. Labor has changed this 
DAY, as it will change all other days, 

whenever Labor sufficiently exerts itself 
and forgets the master, focusing its eyes 
upon the men, women and children of its 
own ranks and upon INDUSTRY, from 
which all must draw their sustenance. 

Yes, Labor determined that the time 
had come to pay loving tribute to its own 
dead, to commemorate as an HISTORIC 
EVENT those who have fallen in the 
those who have been murdered quickly, 
and those whose lives have been one long 
agony of toil. The babe, the youth, the 
middle aged and the old, all, all are re- 
membered, as witnesseth the evergreen 

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Photo by Villers, Seattle. 


float entitled, "LEST WE FORGET:' 
Upon their fallen bodies, upon their 
crushed and bleeding forms, upon their 
broken hearts and despite their anguished 
protests has been built our so-called civi- 

And so we gathered, the different 
groups or units forming at their own 
headquarters and marching from there to 
the trysting place, the "Labor Temple," 
at Sixth and Union streets. Arriving 
about noon at the Fifth Ward headquar- 
ters, Socialist Party, I found the place 
crowded, and lunch being served. After 
eating we formed in line outside, the 
Finnish Local No. 2 being in the lead. 
Promptly at 1 :30 p. m. the march to the 
Labor Temple began. At Sixth and Olive 
streets a small group from the rival S. P. 
awaited us, falling in behind the Fifth 
Ward, attesting the solidarity possible in 
a common cause. The next organization 
we came upon was the I. W. W. waiting 
under their banner of ONE BIG UNION. 
As soon as the REDS hove in sight all 
bearing upon their breasts long red 
badges with the wording "IN MEMORY 
OF LABOR'S DEAD" printed in black 
thereon, they were greeted with loud 
cheers. The clarion notes of a bugle 
played by an I. W. W., gave us the MAR- 
SEILLAISE, followed by the RED 
FLAG, sung to the end. 

It looked as though some objections 

were going to be raised over the red 
badges of the Socialists and the banner of 
the I. W. W. ; but Business Agent Doyle 
of the Central Labor Council was given 
to understand that we marched that way 
or not at all. 

At last all was ready, with floats re- 
minding us of CALUMET, of LUD- 
LOW, and of all those who have gone 
before battling for bread. The Socialist 
banners (Workers of the World Unite) 
called forth cheers all along the line. 
Seattle's sidewalks and windows were 
filled with a sea of humanity gazing upon 
upon rniles of marchers, four abreast, 
solemn men and women, conscious of 
that they served, with heads held high, 
as becomes Intelligent Workers. Many 
Grand Army comrades were among us, 
proud of their bronze button, prouder of 
their RED button, which carries with it 
the greatest comradeship the world has 
ever known. See the Trinity of Labor 
and of Love as it winds slowly along the 
streets of Seattle — the MAN, the 
WOMAN and the CHILD. A Nation's 
wealth lies in the wellbeing of the least 
of these. We have been blind, but now 
we see with a class-con6cious vision. At 
last it dawns — consciousness, class con- 

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CLUB, as ye sate at the windows and 
watched the ranks of Labor file past — 
and the flunkies on your steps — what 
would I not give to have been able to 
read your respective thoughts then. Did 
the raised clinched fists mean anything 
to you? Did that hoarse cry, "Remember 
Ludlow," blanch your cheeks, or contract 
your hearts, if such an organ still func- 
tions in your soft white bodies ? Remem- 
ber Ludlow — Historic rallying cry. Up 
to our nostrils comes the smell of burn- 
ing flesh — tender babies' flesh — the price 
of which no man on earth can tell. But 
the women, the MOTHERS of this and 
every other Nation know. And because 
of this thing which you have done to the 
next generation of American Citizens, 
ye shall suffer — suffer the loss of owner- 
ship, the loss of power to do your dirty, 
filthy will upon those who labor. 

As we have awakened to Class Con- 
sciousness, so will we progress to the 
full knowledge that no man is good 
enough to be another man's master. That 
the private ownership of things used in 
common must go, and social ownership 

take its place. And so we leave you, 
merry gentlemen, to your thoughts. 
Here's hoping your shadows will grow 
less. WE must hasten on, March on. 
The Stormy Petrel of the labor move- 
ment— MOTHER JONES— is already 
talking to the first arrivals. She must 
speak twice — there are so many of us. 
The Awakened Mother tackling the 20th 
century problem — The Abolishment of 

Already protests are going up against 
our use of that day from the infamous 
editor of the Seattle Times. It is our 
day. We have taken it Shall we .keep 
it? We have marched a unit, shown our 
Solidarity, demonstrated our loyalty to 
our dead. Will it end there? What of 
the Living? They will soon be dead. 
How will they die? As at LUDLOW, 
quickly? Or slowly in mine and mill, in 
shop and factory — in HELL? 

Come, Labor, you must answer. Close 
up the Ranks. In Unity is strength. 
Each for All and All for Each. Stop 
mouthing phrases. Put these words into 
Action. All things are possible to A 


By W. H. Emery 


NO longer will you be saluted by the 
Greek boy in front of the shoe 
shining stand with the words 
"Shine, sir." No longer will the 
same Greek watch your shoes as you pass 

in front of his Shine Parlor. He is 
doomed, not by any disease, not by bac- 
teria with unpronounceable names, not 
by any judge passing the death sentence 
upon him, but the onward march of the 

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machine process has. doomed him to ex- 
tinction along with the other members of 
the working class, who have seen their 
means of livelihood taken from them by 

Twenty years ago on the streets of 
most cities you were confronted on prac- 
tically all the downtown corners by the 
small street urchin crying his services 
for sale, "Shine 'em up, make 'em look 
like new!" His place of business was 
the street, his tools of trade a few rags, 
a couple of boxes of shoe polish, a brush 
and a wooden box decorated with tobacco 
tags. The box, slung by a strap to his 
shoulder, was used to carry his tools and 
as a pedestal for the customers' feet, also 
as a weapon of offense and defense when 
a rival "shine" infringed on his territory 
or he found it necessary to acquire a new 
trade zone. Competition was keen in 
those days and the survivor in the strug- 
gle for a business career had to pass 
through "the struggle for existence." 
This struggle was not carried on by trade 
agreements or rebates, but by the muscles 
of the competitors reinforced by the shine 
box used as a weapon. 

The next stage in the development of 
the shoe-shining industry was the estab- 
lishment of shoe shining parlors in 
basements, barber shops, under awnings, 
alongside of buildings, and, in fact, in 
any space large enough to harbor a few 
elevated chairs on which the customers 
sat while having their shoes cleaned. 
These shoe shining parlors were manned 
by recently landed emigrants whose 
standard of living was low and, with the 
added conveniences of chairs, the street 
urchin as a competitor was eliminated. 

We have been for several decades satu- 
rated with stories and articles of how the 
average American can rise from , boot- 
black to merchant, from bootblack to con- 
gressman, etc., ad nauseam, but now the 
opportunity for the rise from bootblack, 
onward and upward, has gone. No Amer- 
ican boy who has the slightest idea of 
mechanics, or who is able to tell the dif- 
ference between day and night, will start 
on his congressional career by the boot- 
black route. A machine has confiscated 
the shine. 

The Chicago Electric Shoe Shining 
Company is installing shoe-shining ma- 
chines throughout Chicago. 

Your shoes are dirty; you need a shine; 
step into a neat appearing cigar store on 
a main business street. Ranged along the 
walls are what look like old fashioned hall 
seats. These are the machines. In the up- 
per part are glass windows through which 
are displayed movable advertisements. 
An advertisement comes into place in 
front of your eyes, remains a moment, 
slides to one side and disappears ; another 
ad Gomes into view, and the process keeps 
on indefinitely. 

There is a large slot cut in the bottom 
of the cabinet; on each side of the slot 
are plates of glass giving you a view of 
the machine at work. 

Insert a nickel in the slot ; place a foot 
on the pedestal, press the button ; imme- 
diately two revolving brushes shoot out 
from the rear of the machine, one clean- 
ing the dirt from one side of the shoe 
and the other brush cleaning from the 
other side of the shoe; at the same time 
another revolving brush shoots out and 
cleans across the top of the foot; the 
brushes are drawn back into the rear of 
the machine, blacking is squirted on the 
shoe from tubes at the sides of the foot; 
again the brushes shoot out and proceed 
to rub the blacking over the shoe. Once 
more the brushes disappear, to return 
again and polish the shoe ; when the ma- 
chinery stops, place the other foot on. the 
pedestal; press the button and the same 
process is repeated. Examine your shoes ; 
your have a "shine" as good, if not bet- 
ter, than you could procure by the old 
hand process. It has taken less than two 
minutes. It costs one-sixteenth of a cent. 
The customer didn't have to tip the ma- 
chine. The machine does not eat or 
sleep. It can work 24 hours a day. 

The man who oversees the machines 
tends the cigar store. The corporation 
has three sources of revenue — the ma- 
chine, the advertising in the machine, and 
the cigar store. The machine is the death 
of the small business man no matter how 
low in the social scale his business is. 
Thus is answered the question, "Who will 
do the dirty work under Socialism?" The 
machine ! 

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By Charles Aahleigh 


*OR East is East and West is West, 
and never the twain shall meet." 
So sang a poet, referring to the 
great and almost unbridgeable gulf 
which divides the western peoples from 
those of the Orient. Judging from the mass 
of confusion and misconception apparent in 
the references made by a number of our 
eastern would-be sympathizers of a certain 
type, the migratory worker of the Pacific 
states is as little understood by the easterner 
as is the inscrutable Oriental by the son of 
the Occident. This was very vividly sug- 
gested to me recently by a friend of mine — 
a western hobo agitator, strong of body and 
clear of mind, who has contributed much 
to the development of class consciousness 
among the floaters of the coast. "That 
crowd back East thinks we western stiffs 
are all bums because we beat the trains," 
said he. "They haven't the savvy to dis- 
tinguish the difference between the Bowery 
bum and the casual laborer of the West. 
Hence all this stuff about the 'bummery,' 
etc." This gave me furiously to think; and 
with much force was brought home to me 
the wide difference existing between the 
living and working conditions of the prole- 
tariat of the East and that of the West, 
and particularly of the Pacific coast. 

In the East the first and most obvious fea- 
ture which strikes the western observer is 
the permanence of industry. It is true that 
there are periodical crises which necessi- 
tate the laying off of hands, but the indus- 
tries are territorially STATIONARY. 
There are huge and complex aggregations 
of machinery, necessitating numerous mi- 
nutely distinct functions for the processes 
of production, which are performed by 
whole populations of industrial wage earn- 
ers who reside for their whole lifetime, or 
at any rate for periods extending into years, 
in the same district. In the steel industry, 
in the textile industry, and others of like 
magnitude, it is nothing out of the ordinary 
for several generations of workers to have 
lived always in the same spot and to have 
worked always at the same process — al- 
lowing for changes implied by the improve- 
ment of machinery — and to have sold their 
labor-power to the same boss. 

In the eastern industries women and chil- 
dren are employed. It is common for a 
whole family to be working in the same 
mill, plant or factory. This makes for fam- 
ily life; a debased and deteriorated family 
life, it is true, lacking in all the pleasant 
and restful features usually associated with 
that term, but, nevertheless, marriage, the 


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procreation of children and some amount 
of stability are assured by the conditions 
of industry. On the other hand, the nerve- 
and-body-racking, monotonous nature of the 
work, the close and unhealthy atmosphere, 
and, sometimes, chemical poisoning or 
other vocational diseases, and the speed- 
ing-up system, all make for loss of nervous 
and physical vitality and the creation of 
bodily weaklings. 

As we journey westward we mark a 
change. We leave the zone of great Indus- 
try and enter country in which capitalism is 
still, to some extent, in the preparatory 
stage. We come to the source of one of 
the great natural resources — lumber — and 
to that portion of the country where the 
railroads are still busily extending their 
complex network and where agriculture on 
a large scale is a leading factor in economic 

All of these three principal occupations 
of the unskilled worker of the Pacific coast 
— lumber, construction work and agricul- 
ture — are periodical in their nature. A 
mighty wave of fertility sweeps up through 
the various states into British Columbia, 
drawing in its wake the legions of harvest 
workers. In California and Oregon, the 
ripening of fruits brings an army of labor 
to the scene. The construction of railroads, 
aqueducts and other signs of an onward- 
marching capitalism, employs temporarily 
thousands of laborers, teamsters and the 
like. The same is true of the lumber indus- 
try, which is also conditioned by natural 

The result of this is the existence on the 
coast of an immense army of unskilled or 
semi-skilled workers, of*no fixed abode, who 
are forever engaged in an eternal chase for 
the elusive job; whose work takes them 
away from the towns to the hills or plains 
or forests, for varying periods. Forever 
over the great western country are they 
traveling, seeking this or that center of tem- 
porary activity, that they may dispose of 
their labor-power. 

The Pacific coast is the country of the 
bindle or blanket-stiff. On the construc- 
tion jobs the workers sleep in tents. In 
the lumber camps they are housed in bunk- 
houses, rude frame structures with tiers of 
bunks, something similar to the forecastle 
of a wind-jammer on a large scale. In these 
bunkhouses the men wash and dry their 
clothes, smoke and play cards, and generally 
divert themselves within the small limits of 
their time and location. The atmosphere is 
anything but fresh, and vermin are usually 
abundant, the wooden material of the bunks 
rendering it easy for the nimble and vora- 
cious creatures to secrete themselves: In 
many camps the men are engaged in a per- 
petual warfare against lice. The sleeping 
quarters for agricultural workers consist of 
barns, sheds or probably the open field. 
Bedding is rarely provided in lumber camps 
and never in construction camps and on 
harvest work. Therefore, the worker is 
compelled to follow literally the advice of 
the founder of Christianity and "take up 
his bed and walk." The inevitable burden 
of the migratory worker is a roll of blan- 


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kets, slung by a cord around his shoulders. 
Many hotels in the coast towns, knowing 
the vermin-infested state of the camps, re- 
fuse to allow blankets to be brought into 
the premises, and they are therefore stacked 
up in the cheap saloons during the stay in 
town of their owner. 

Employment agencies play an important 
and predatory role in the life of the floater. 
A large agency will take complete control 
of the recruiting of labor for some big job, 
shipping numbers of men out each day to 
the scene of action from their branches in 
various towns. Fees ranging from one to 
three dollars are charged the applicant for 
unskilled positions. It is a well-known fact, 
although, by reason of the underground sup- 
port of the powers that be, hard to prove in 
specific cases, that there is often collusion 
between the agencies and the petty bosses 
by which a constant stream of men are kept 
coming and going, to the mutual enrichment 
of the agent — or "shark," as we prefer to 
term him — and the "straw boss." Nothing 
is easier for a foreman than to discharge 
quantities of men on trumped-up charges 
after a brief period of work and thus pro- 
vide more fees for his agent friends in 

A prominent feature of every coast town 
of any size is the "slave market," or "stiff 
town," composed of a varying number of 
streets or blocks, according to the size of 
the town and its strategic position as a re- 
cruiting center for labor. As you walk 
down the street, you notice that the loung- 
ers are all "stiffs." Sun-tanned, brawny 
men, most of them in early manhood or in 
the prime of life, dressed in blue overalls 
or khaki pants and blue cotton shirts, in the 
lumber country in mackinaws and high, 
spiked-soled boots, are standing in knots 
around the doors of the employment sharks, 
watching the requirements chalked up on 
the blackboards displayed outside. In some 
of the larger agencies the office will seat a 
couple of hundred men, who wait patiently 
for the employe who appears at intervals and 
shouts out the news of some particular job 
for which men are needed. Then comes a 
rush! The slave market is in full swing! 
Numbers of disconsolate ones may also be 
observed who have not the price of a joD 
and who are waiting in the hope of ob- 
taining that much-desired thing — a free 
shipment. There may be a dozen such of- 
fices in two or three blocks. This is also 

the quarter of- cheap restaurants, where a 
meal — of adulterated, worthless food — may 
be bought for ten or fifteen cents. Fifteen 
or twenty-cent lodging houses are also plen- 
tiful, most of them crawling with vermin, 
and there is an abundance of barrel houses, 
where the slave gets an opportunity of 
drowning his miseries in oblivion by "blow- 
ing in" his "stake" on rot-gut whiskey or 
chemical beer. Above all this wave the 
flaunting banners of the military, marine 
and naval recruiting offices, offering a des- 
perate refuge for the jobless, homeless, 
starving worker ; vultures hovering over the 
swamp of poverty, ready to sweep down 
upon some despairing victim, probably some 
confiding lad lured to this country by boos- 
ter-fed visions of the "Golden West." The 
ostensible recruiting officers are the gaily 
uniformed, upright-standing men standing 
invitingly outside their offices; the real re- 
cruiting officers are the vampires of hunger 
and unemployment. 

The wholesale firing of men by foremen, 
the arduous nature of the work, and the 
temporary nature of the employment, keep 
the worker constantly in motion. He does 
not usually have enough to pay his fare, 
if he is to exist at all in the town whilst 
waiting for the next job. Therefore, the 
only alternative is to beat the trains. This 
is also the only method of following the 
harvests over the wide stretches of country, 
where to pay a fare would be impossible 
usually and ruinous always. Hoboing is, 
therefore, the universal method of traveling 
among the migratory workers of the Pa- 
cific coast. 

The railroad tracks are alive, at certain 
periods of the year, with men tramping the 
ties, under the burning sun, with heavy 
bundles of blankets upon their backs. The 
worker cannot usually travel as fast as the 
professional "tramp," who beats the fast 
passengers. His unwieldy pack makes it 
difficult for him to negotiate anything but 
a freight, although some of them achieve 
wonders of agility in the "making" of a 
"blind" or even the "rods," when hampered 
by their bedding. On the outskirts of prac- 
tically every town may be seen the "jun- 
gles," or camp, where the meal, purchased 
— or, if needs be, begged — in the town, is 
cooked. A supply of cooking utensils is 
nearly always to be found in the "jungles/* 
Primitive utensils, it is true, formed with 
much ingenuity out of preserve, oil or lard 

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cans. Besides the large stew can, there is 
always the "boiling up" can, in which shirts 
and underclothes are sterilized — an inevita- 
ble feature of the incessant campaign 
against the plague of body lice. 

The meal over, if it be winter, a huge fire 
is built up and, with the approach of dusk, 
blankets are spread, and these soldiers of 
western industry, out of whose sinews and 
brain the enormous wealth of the West is 
distilled, settle down for a night of fitful 
slumber, broken by the cold, the necessity 
of attending to the fire, and the arrival of 
newcomers. In the morning the long walk 
down the track is resumed or a train is 
boarded with caution and . concealment. 
There are constant wrangles with the brake- 
men, who frequently demand a money con- 
tribution in return for the permission to 
ride, with the alternative of jumping off 
(oh, Solidarity, thy name is null among the 
railroaders of the West!), and the unceas- 
ing, gnawing fear of arrest for vagrancy 
or of a beating up by the railroad police 
in the yards of the town of destination. It 
would be hard to estimate the number of 
workers who in one year are sentenced to 
varying terms of imprisonment, usually ac- 
companied by hard labor, for the crime of 
trespassing on the property of the railroad 
companies. Yet no other method of trav- 
eling is possible for them. The risk of im- 
prisonment, or of rough physical handling 
by the yard police is an integral part of 
their lives. Can we wonder that among 
them is fast growing a spirit of passionate 
rebellion ? To make strong men, who work 
out in the open air and who preserve a 
certain spirit of rude independence, slink 
for fear of the armed bullies of the city or 
railroad police, and to be stigmatized as 
bums and ne'er-do-wells by canting, ignor- 
ant magistrates, is a certain method of fos- 
tering and stimulating that revolt which is 
already smoldering in the consciousness of 
the workers of the Pacific states. 

And, for all this labor and suffering, what 
reward ? The average wage of the worker 
in the lumber camps is $2.75 or $3 per day 
of ten hours. From this, five dollars weekly 
is deducted for board, often of the rottenest 
kind. A hospital fee of one dollar per 
month is also compulsorily charged by the 
company for medical attention of a very in- 
different nature and for a hospital which, in 
many cases, is non-existent. The truck sys- 
tem flourishes in camps of all kinds, the 
distance from the nearest town obliging the 

worker to purchase from the camp store, 
where he is charged exorbitant rates for his 

It must be remembered also that this 
work is by no means permanent, and that 
the savings of one job must be applied to 
tide the worker over until the next. Con- 
struction workers receive an average of 
$2.25 per day, from which 75 cents is daily 
deducted for board, or $5.25 per week. Here 
the hospital graft also prevails. If a worker 
remain only two days in a camp, the dollar 
is extorted. The work is from sun-up to 
sun-down. Somewhat larger wages are 
paid for agricultural work during the har- 
vest rush, but the work is at breakneck 
speed and for extremely long hours, and 
lasts only for a short term. 

The effects of the life lived by the slaves 
of the domain ruled by the Southern Pacific 
railroad and the lumber trust are, in many 
ways, disastrous. The striking feature of 
the Pacific country is that it is a man's 
country. Conditions render it impossible 
for the worker to marry. Long terms in 
isolated camps produce the same phenomena 
of sex perversion as exist in the army, navy 
and the monastery. The worker is doomed 
to celibacy with all its physical and moral 
damaging results. The brothel in the town, 
between jobs, is the only resort. 

Yet the arduous physical toil in the open 
air does not have the same deteriorating ef- 
fect as does the mechanical, confined work 
of the eastern slave. The constant match- 
ing of wits and the daring needed for the 
long trips across country have developed a 
species of rough self-reliance in the wan- 
dering proletarian of the West. In health 
and in physical courage he is undoubtedly 
the superior of his eastern brother. The 
phenomenal spread of the propaganda of 
the I. W. W. among the migratory work- 
ers indicates that this great mass, so long 
inarticulate, are at last beginning to realize 
their economic oppression and to voice their 
needs. The size of the local membership 
is an uncertain gauge in that territory of 
ever-moving fluid labor. Certain is it that 
around nearly every "jungle" fire and dur- 
ing the evening hours on many a job in the 
great westland, the I. W. W. red songbook 
is in evidence, and the rude rebel chants are 
lustily sung and discontent expressed more 
and more definitely and impatiently. 

The free speech fights of San Diego, 
Fresno, Aberdeen and Spokane, the occa- 

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sional strike outbursts in the lumber coun- 
try, the great railroad construction strike 
in British Columbia and the recent tragedy 
of Wheatland are all indications that the 
"blanket stiff" is awakening. It was indeed 
an unpleasant surprise to the masters of the 
bread in the booster-ridden West when the 
much-despised tramp worker actually began 
to assert himself. The proud aristocrats 
of labor had also long stood aloof from 
them, considering them worthless of organ- 
izing efforts. And, then, suddenly, lo and 
behold, the scorned floater evolved his own 
movement, far more revolutionary and sci- 
entific than his skilled brother had ever 
dreamed of ! From the lumber camps, from 
the construction camps, from the harvest 
fields, water tanks, jails and hobo camp- 

fires came the cry, ever more insistent, of 
the creator of western wealth. And, mar- 
vel of marvels, summit of sublime audacity, 
the cry of the flouted wanderer was not 
merely for better grub, shorter hours and 
simple improvements, but, including these 
things and going beyond them, he demand- 
ed, simply and uncompromisingly, the whole 
earth — the Product of his Toil ! 

More power to you, western brother ! Go 
to it ! And may you continue the goQd work 
and agitate and organize until you have 
builded up for yourself a mighty force that 
shall bring you your reward, the ownership 
of industries, and transform the vaunted, 
slave-driving mockery of the "Golden 
West" into a workers 1 land that shall really 
deserve the name. 


By Lillian Hiller Udell 

HAS Socialism a literature? This 
word "literature" is obviously not 
meant to be used here as a syno- 
nym for printed matter, as we 
speak of the literature of an anti-tuber- 
culosis campaign or a vice crusade. One 
regrets the poverty of language which 
forces us to employ one and the same 
noun in describing the tragedy of an 
Aeschylus or an Ibsen and the report of 
a garbage inspector. Socialism has its 
men of science like Enrico Ferri, its 
philosophers like Dietzgen, its economists 
like Marx and Engels, its scholars like 
Kautsky and Ward, its men of action like 
Bebel, Haywood and Debs. 

In the present inquiry we refer to the 
art by which noble thought finds adequate 
expression on the printed page, the me- 
dium through which aesthetic or heroic 
emotion becomes articulate for our own 
and succeeding generations. 

For existence, even our present exist- 
ence under the wage system, h^s its 
aesthetic and heroic phases. None of us 
should forget that, least of all the pio- 
neers in a revolutionary movement. 
Granted that the philosophies of the 
eighteenth century did not take the Bas- 
tile or achieve the cataclysm of '93, none 
the less their work stands as the best 
inheritance of their time, none the less 

their writings form the source of highest 
inspiration for their spiritual descendants 
of the twentieth century. What we of 
today are striving for is not merely phys- 
ical well being, nor even physical well 
being plus a most intimate and accurate 
knowledge of our descent from the amoe- 
ba and our kinship with the chimpanzee. 
Does the Socialist movement as at pres- 
ent constituted afford us those elements 
of poetry and eloquence which nerve the 
spirit for the great act of rebellion which 
must precede the bringing in of a better 
order of things? 

One recalls Oscar Wilde's "Soul of Man 
Under Socialism" and William Morris' 
"News from Nowhere." These two mas- 
ter artists have, however, given us pic- 
tures of society in its ultimate perfection. 
Their prophecy is derived less from sci- 
ence than from faith. Mr. Shaw has 
treated current problems with a lucidity 
and brilliancy unsurpassed by any con- 
temporary writer. But his appeal is 
never to the deeper emotions of his 

These thoughts occurred to me as I laid 
down a little volume entitled "Revolu- 
tionary Essays in Socialist Faith and 
Fancy,"* by Peter E. Burrowes. 

•Published by Charles H. Kerr & Company, Chicago, 
cloth, $1.00, postpaid. 

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I cannot claim for this author a very 
high place among literateurs, yet in his 
best moments he is reminiscent of Car- 
lyle, of Whitman and curiously enough 
of Friedrich Nietzsche. 

At his worst he is mystical even to the 
point of becoming unintelligible. There 
is much in these essays that could have 
been omitted. Yet .the reader who can 
enter into the mood, in which the work is 
conceived will find himself abundantly re- 
paid for the effort. There is throughout 
all these reflections a fine enthusiasm 
which acts upon one as a tonic. There 
are moments of passionate eloquence, al- 
most of poetry. There is little that is 
dull. One feels that the man who penned 
them had the temperament of a poet. He 
is religious, but his religion is of this 
world. He writes: 

"Oh, he is a very present, very near and dear 
God— the God whose new name I whisper to 
thee, Socialism. And as you think of the glisten- 
ing morning thoughts, wherewith so often he has 
coronated your brow, that 'crown of yours, which 
is in the thought world as a rich rose giving out 
of its folds delightful particles of fragrantly 
blessed fancies you know nevermore aught of 
the terrible nearness of God. He is no longer 
that awful live eye which the priests pulled out 
of a socket and set staring at you from the altar, 
staring in among your poor little heart thoughts, 
to shrivel you up with a horrible fear of God and 
make you slaves. The God of humanity is so 
sweetly near, and you so sweetly fearless of his 
nearness are, that you would if you could, let 
him into your bosom's heart to stay among the 
red pulses." 

Yet this dreamer is far indeed from 
holding the point of view of the Chris- 
tian Socialist. He is never more vehe- 
ment and perhaps never clearer in his ut- 
terance than in his attack upon organized 
religion : 

"There is no vision that ever came to man so 
unconquerably true as the Socialist perception 
that the church in every nation is but the voice 
of the economic ascendant. In America, many 
are puzzled to see mercantile Protestanism and 
mercantile infidelity flirting so incontinently with 
Rome. The daily press, which is indubitably run 
and written by trade and for trade only, cannbt 
nevertheless conceal, and cannot hold back the 
daily interest of its proprietors in the prosperity 
and doings of that venerable hypnotist, the ap- 
proved handmaiden and willing paramour of all 
despotism, the Roman Catholic Church. And let 
it be known that she deserves their confidence 
and affection, for she has never yet officially be- 
trayed any property class, and indeed cannot, for 
every cell and tissue of her canons, doctrines, 
and practices was formed in the bowels of riches 
for its own defense and comfort against the sin- 

ners who must work and who do not work 

And later: 

"I do not single out Rome by name in order to 
separate her dishonorably from the other churches 
of the world. Her own claim that in Western 
lands she is the mother church is sound; she is 
older and wiser in the police business than her 
Protestant progeny, who though a bit naughty in 
the past, are filially imitative. It was but a minor 
property quarrel that separated them, the major 
property interest of uniting against Socialism will 
soon bring them all together again. Hence the 
billing and cooing between their eminences in the 
press and the priesthood." 

The so-called progressive movement in 
modern capitalist politics will find here 
little encouragement: 

"The reform tinker, who has no higher aim in 
politics than to mend the passing pots, we do not 
endorse. He shall pass through life mending pots, 
and shajl leave the world with yet more pots to 
mend than he found there when he came." 

We are to have no illusion concerning 
the depth of our slavery to those who 
own the tools of production : 

"This parasite class, according to the observed 
law prevailing in all ages, having obtained con- 
trol of the economic needs and forces of their 
time, 'clothe themselves with authority, and gird 
themselves with the powers of the state. They 
therefore can supplement the privation by exclu- 
sion from the means of living. They can also 
add positive suffering to the negative misery; 
they can beat you by all the rods of law into their 
laboratories ; they can entangle your feet in every 
step you make for freedom; they can not only 
use the guns of the state against you but they 
can force you to use them against yourself; they 
can, by possessing all the archives, know how 
much it is costing you to live, and can, as private 
employers, cut your wages down to that. From 
the signal boxes of the state they know your in- 
coming and outgoing. They can control your 
mind; they can go behind you and before, and 
float over you, and build military tunnels under 
your feet with your own hands. You cannot be 
emancipated while that class is in control and 
they can afford to let you play at all kinds of rad- 
ical discontent as long as you leave them where 
they are." 

And oh, the contempt he pours upon 
the middle class: 

"The middle class man is the negative, empty 
space between two facts, he is nothing— not even 
a hypocrite. He has no role to play anywhere in 
any great world. No great social movement is 
for him who is but a soaker, maintaining himself 
by keeping on the moister side of everything." 

That which is of value in these essays 
is a certain power born of earnest con- 
viction which meets Tolstoi's test of art, 
viz., that the emotion of the writer is 
communicated to those who read. They 
are not literature, it is true, but they de- 
serve to be read. 

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Lineman Partner with His Dogs Crossing Creek in Lake Section. The Ice Is Just Breaking Up. 


(From the Commercial Telegraphers' 

FROM Ashcroft on the old Caribou 
road to British Columbia, winding 
northward for 2,500 miles, runs the 
Yukon telegraph, the most remark- 
able and romantic telegraph line in all 
America. Its origin was like no other; 
its operation never had and perhaps never 
will have an analogy; its service to man- 
kind has certainly never been surpassed. 
The visitor trailing his goods into the 
lone north land seeking a gold claim in 
the bed of a rivulet, or staking his future 
on a free farm and a muscular back, may 
jeer at the low, straggling poles with the 
wire sagging down like the domestic 
clothesline back home. But when he 
tastes for a month or two the supreme 
isolation of that infinite silent wilderness, 
that pitiful strand of wire will size up as 
a strand of gold. 

The Yukon telegraph was born in the 
feverish days of 1896, when it seemed 
that half America was turned northward 
to wrestle with the little god of Chance. 
In those days it had two kinds of stories 
to deliver, one of the "lucky strike" trans- 
forming a penniless tramp into a million- 

aire, the other of some mute tragedy of 
the wayside, wherein a discouraged ad- 
venturer wrapped himself and his hopes 
in the snows by the trailside and left the 
remainder to Providence. 

Today when the reckless glories of 
that "wickedest camp on earth" have 
given way to a standard of respectability, 
the little Yukon telegraph tirelessly ful- 
fills its duties. Now, however, it flashes 
a new code of success, the code of the 
pioneer farmer whose cottages are fast 
trailing up the northern valleys, search- 
ing out the last choice spots in Canada 
where the speculator has not stuck his 
sign. Up in that land the railway is short, 
but the telegraph is long — and in the set- 
tlement of the earth one seems to balance 
the absence of the other. For the thou- 
sands of white men in the scattered com- 
munities from Prince Rupert to the Arc- 
tic Circle the Government wire forms 
the link and the only link with the great 
news events of the outside world. The 
route of the line is almost parallel to 
that weird and abandoned survey of the 
Western Union half a century ago, when 
that company after the breaking of the 
Atlantic cable in 1859 decided to lay a 


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Fourth Cabin: Maxwell Is the Operator. 


land line through Alaska and Siberia to 
Europe. Over three million dollars had 
been spent on the line when the com- 
pany recalled the plans, having in the 
meantime picked up its Atlantic cable 
again. Some of its engineers and line- 
men were then so far inland that it was 
nine months from the time the order 
was sent until it could be delivered to 
them. For many miles portions of the 
Western- Union wire are now being 
worked as an auxiliary by the Dominion 

Every year the federal government ex- 
tends the branch lines, keeping ever 
ahead of the steady stream of settlers. 
The main line connects at Ashcroft with 
the Canadian Pacific Railway system. At 
its northern extremity it joins the United 
States signal service on the Alaskan 
boundary. Its longest branch is 200 miles, 
from Hazelton, an old Hudson Bay trad- 
ing post, to Prince Rupert. 

At intervals of from seventeen to fifty 
miles the operators live out their lonely 
and dangerous lives in their roughly 
built cabins. That each operator should 
be an expert lineman is an absolute ne- 
cessity, since most of these sections are 

placed in an operator's care and in the 
depth of winter he is called upon not 
infrequently to tramp on snowshoes 
across treacherous areas to repair his 

Two of the worst foes of the moun- 
tain operator are the forest fire and the 
avalanche. Again and again their dep- 
redations sweep away poles and wires, 
demanding heroic service of the linemen 
to restore normal conditions. 

In some districts winter departs for only 
two months in the twelve, so that day 
and night, month by month, the deaden- 
ing loneliness of perpetual snow threat- 
ens to drive a man into melancholia. It 
is a heavy test of human endurance, not 
so much in the times of activity as when 
the monotony of existence turns a week 
into an eternity. 

Once a year the supplies of food are 
"packed" in, and then the operator and 
his visitors exhaust the possibilities of 

The following stories are typical of the 
early Yukon days. To many of the old- 
timers who have since left the "Great 
North Country" these stories will recall, 
no doubt, the memories of many months 


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Third Cabin: Frank Lee and Tommy Brewer Have Been After Grub. 

passed "mushing over a blazed trail" in 
the interest of the government and hu- 
manity, while they will portray to the 
craftsmen of younger years the perils 
and hazardous positions from which so 
many complexities have arisen. To the 
rising generations of telegraphers — that 
is, a majority — it may be interesting to 
state that to this day conditions are 
practically unchanged. 

One winter's afternoon the telegrapher 
at Cabin, a young Englishman, usu- 
ally called James, was plodding slowly 
along the snow covered trail in the direc- 
tion of home. The day had been typical 
of winter; heavy snow, which as the day 
wore on, gave way to the sharp air of 
evening. Trees and branches were every- 
where covered with the fleecy downfall. 
Operator James carried a small knapsack 
containing his tools, a change of clothing 
and a little food and in his hand a 30-30 
rifle. Across his path lay a small branch 
weighed down with snow and in a mo- 
ment of thoughtlessness he grasped his 
weapon by the barrel and swung the 
butt lightly at the obstruction. As the 
weapon struck it, the branch, freed from 
its weight of snow, -sprang back, but si- 
multaneously came a report and a shock 
to the unfortunate youth, who realized 
that he was shot — terribly, perhaps fatal- 
ly wounded. With a sinking heart and 
a growing sensation of horror and despair, 
he knew that the bullet fired by his own 
carelessness had passed through his body 

and that he was alone — far from help and 
doomed mayhap to perish miserably. 

In another moment the reaction came. 
James pulled himself together, determined 
to not give way so long as strength 
and vitality remained. Fortunately, the 
wound, though desperate, had not de- 
prived him of consciousness, so with rare 
presence of mind he hastily unstrapped 
his pack and taking from it the small 
"testing relay," which is •carried by the 
men when on the trail, he made his way 
to a "test pole" not far away and con- 
nected the instrument. He managed to 
get Hazelton and in a few words made 
his desperate plight known. Then, find- 
ing his strength failing, he reft the trail 
and made his way with difficulty to an 
abandoned Indian hut some quarter of 
a mile distant. In the meantime the man- 
ager at Hazelton had hurriedly informed 
the operator at the adjoining Cabin of 
the occurrence. It was drawing on to 
dusk, but his comrade lost not a moment 
in hurrying to his co-worker's rescue. 
Snowshoes were buckled on, a few neces- 
saries collected and within ten minutes of 
receiving the message the operator was 
hurrying south through the cold and dark 
of a winter's night and hoping and pray- 
ing that he might reach his destination in 
time. It was nearly morning when he 
reached the lonely cabin and found the 
wounded man stretched on the floor but 
with life still remaining. 

The wounded man had not lost con- 

Digitized by 




sciousness, but he was too weak and help- 
less to make a fire, so he had lain alone 
through the long hours and bitter cold of 
the night, hoping and waiting for the help 
he knew would surely come. 

To make the sufferer as comfortable as 
was possible and then to summon more 
help was the first thing to be done by his 

In the meantime, a doctor had been de- 
spatched from Hazelton without delay. 
Upon his arrival he found that the bullet 
had entered just below the heart and 
passed through the body, making its exit 
lower down at the back. 

The patient, having all the advantages 
of youth and a good constitution, was 
soon moved on a toboggan and conveyed 
down the frozen Skeena to the hospital 
at Hazelton, where he soon recovered. 

The incident showed both rare pluck 
and self-possession on the part of the 
wounded man, and to this he undoubted- 
ly owes his life, for to have given way 
under the circumstances, which were suf- 
ficiently terrible to overwhelm the aver- 
age man so situated, would have meant 
a speedy end, if not by the bullet, then by 
the none the less sure cold, and another 
name added to the mournful record of 
those who have "Died on the Trail." 

Some three or four winters ago Martin, 
who was operator at "J" Cabin, left to 
pay a visit to his neighbors at the next 
Cabin, twenty miles north, incidentally 
inspecting his own portion of the line. 
He reached his destination and spent a 
day with the men there, leaving on the 
following day on his return journey. The 
weather was extremely cold, while a fresh 
snow had fallen, thus making progress 
slow. When evening came and Martin 
had not appeared, his comrade at "J," 
who had been apprised of his departure, 
felt somewhat uneasy. He again called 
up the men at Northern Cabin, thinking 
that he might have changed his mind. 
However, the neighbors had heard noth- 
ing of him since morning. 

To start out in search of the missing 
man at night would have been futile. So 
his companion waited until morning and 
then set out northwards to gain tidings 
of the missing man — a bare three miles, 
and the tragedy revealed itself in the 
corpse of the unfortunate operator lying 
frozen on the trail. Exhausted by the 

Picture Taken at Eighth Cabin, North of Hazelton: 

John Barker, Operator Sixth, and Lew Mason, 

Lineman Ninth Cabin. 

heavy traveling, he had struggled on un- 
til overtaken by night, and overcome with 
fatigue he had fallen forward never to 
rise again. 

Alone and unaided his comrade 
"packed" the frozen body back to the 
cabin and then telegraphed briefly the 
facts of the occurrence. The body was 
taken down by toboggan to Hazelton and 
there interred. 

On one occasion I was speaking to 
Jones, who is stationed some two hundred 
miles north of Hazelton. He said, "One 
day in September the pack train arrived 
with the annual supplies. That we were 
glad to see them, you may be sure, since 
the sight of a strange face was a treat to 
us. The pack train only remained long 
enough to unload and then turned back 
for their camping ground of the previous 
night. Until that train again paid us a 
visit — twelve months later — we saw but 
two persons at our cabin and in each 
case it was an Indian !" 

Digitized by 



Drtwn Vj Awlkmr Y—g 

At the Edge of tKc Crater 

-From The Masses 


WHILE he was in Chicago a few 
days ago, Upton Sinclair said 
some vital things about Colo- 
rado, among which we quote 
the following: 

I have just returned from a two-weeks' 
visit to one of the battlefields of the Colo- 
rado Class war. I have come home with 
my nostrils full of powder smoke and the 
scent of burning flesh ; my ears full of the 
screams of murdered women and children. 
What I have seen has made me admit for 
the first time in my life the possibility 
that the social revolution in America may 
be one of physical force. 

The night before I left Denver I dined 
at the home of the widow of a former 
chief justice of the state. And this lady 
said to me: "If we women had not 
stormed the capitol and forced the gov- 
ernor to appeal for federal troops, there 
would have been an end to state authority 
in Colorado." 

A leading lawyer said to me: "It was 
touch and go — like that!" (He snapped 
his fingers.) "We almost had a revolu- 
tion." And Judge Ben Lindsey came east 
and said to the President: "Our state is 
sitting upon a volcano." 

Somebody "stringing" me, you say! 
Well, let me tell another story. I talked 
with Senator Van Tilborg, machine 
leader of the Democrats, at the state 

"Mr. Sinclair," said he, with a quiet 
smile, "our troubles here in Colorado can 
be settled quickly; all we need is about 
three hundred men who can shoot 
straight and quick, and I think we can 
get them." 

I told of this speech at a dinner party 
at a fashionable hotel, and a young man 
spoke — an explorer, who had been several 
times around the world and had financed 
expeditions to Siberia and Central Africa ; 
he had just been to Ludlow and heard the 
stories of the miners, and now he said : 

"Tell that (unprintable language) that 
three hundred is just the number of 
crack shots that I decided I could brings 
there when next the fighting began !" 

And let me add that this young man 
went off to Chicago and is now pledging 
his hunting companions, ranchmen and 
Canadian guides to be ready for Senator 
Van Tilborg's signal. 

All this, you will observe, is without 
counting the miners. On the day that 


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the federal troops were called they had 
dynamite under all the railroad tracks 
into Trinidad, and were about to blow 
them up. They had fought pitched bat- 
tles with the state troops, and in several 
places had these troops at their mercy. 
They had 2,000,000 rounds of ammunition 
stored in a piano warehouse in a neigh- 
boring state; they had 1,500 men in an- 
other state, armed and pledged to march 
over the mountains. 

Many such things they had done, and, 
incredible as it may seem, they have so 
much backing of the public sentiment of 
Colorado that none of their leaders will 
even be punished for anything! 

What do you call this but class war? 

There has been civil war in Colorado. 
Thousands of miners, armed and in- 
trenched, have stood off the state militia, 
defeating them in pitched battles. 

I am considering the situation to try 
to throw some light upon the meaning 
of it, and more especially upon the ques- 
tion: "What is to be the outcome of it?" 

Here is the question I want to put to 
you: Suppose this revolt had not been 
of Colorado alone, but had included the 
miners of a dozen states or of the entire 
nation. What then? 

"Impossible!" you say. But why? 
Have not the things that caused this re- 
volt been done in other states of our 
union ? 

In Colorado they had an armored car 
with a machine gun that traveled up the 
canons and rained death upon the tent 
colonies of the strikers. They call it the 
"Death Special," and in West Virginia 
the name was the "Bull Moose Special," 
but the difference in the name was the 
only difference. 

In West Virginia they had all the 
phenomena of government by gunmen; 
wholesale arrests without warrant or 
charge, imprisonment incommunicado, 
beating up of strikers, abusing of women 
and children, midnight raiding of homes 
and deporting of "undesirables ;" they had 
the same in Michigan more recently, in 
Idaho and Nevada some years back. 
Does it seem to you impossible that these 
miners could learn to combine? 

I can assure you it does not seem im- 
possible to them ! 

The very' same gunmen were taken 
from West Virginia to Michigan and 
from Michigan to Colorado. 

Come and let us try to face the facts. 
What are the conditions that drove thou- 
sands of peaceable, hard-working laborers 
to leave their wives and children and take 
to the mountains, to live and fight like 
wild beasts? What are the evils that 
have brought women to lay themselves 
liable to a charge of treason against the 
state by hiding machine guns in the cel- 
lars of their homes? 

To go not too far back, there was a 
strike of the Colorado coal miners in 
1902. Men were beaten up, deported, 
jailed, shut up in "bullpens" — the whole 
sickening story. The strike was crushed 
and the coal operators had their undis- 
puted way. Mr. John D. Rockefeller, Jr., 
declared that he would not compromise 
the present strike, because it was a fight 
for a principle. 

Well, in 1902, the "principle" was 
maintained, and what followed? Decent 
American, Welsh and Cornish miners be- 
ing unwilling to work as slaves, the coal 
operators opened up an advertising cam- 
paign in Greece, Roumania, southern 
Italy and Russia; they imported by 
wholesale the peoples of twenty-four dif- 
ferent nations, and for twelve years had 
their way with them — with the result of 
turning the twenty-four nations into one, 
animated by a fury of hatred which is 
simply inconceivable to any one who had 
not been on the ground. 

They owned the land on which the 
miners had to live, the homes they had 
to rent, the stores at which they traded, 
the churches at which they worshipped. 

They built stockades about the villages 
and made the entrances private roads. 

They ran the political machines, voting 
the people in herds, and making mayors 
out of mine bosses, coroners, magistrates 
and sheriffs out of company store clerks 
and gunmen. 

They blacklisted men who belonged to 
unions, or who refused to mine 2,500 or 
3,000 pounds to the ton. 

They ran up the death list from acci- 
dents to two or three times as many as 
in neighboring states; twelve times as 
many as in a civilized nation such as 
Austria. Controlling the coroners and 
juries, they paid no damages for acci- 
dents. They made it the jest of their 
employes that they would rather kill a 
man than lame a mule. 

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Suffice to say that the men began to 
organize for protection, and so bitter was 
the opposition of the companies that 
there existed in Southern Colorado all 
the machinery of secret, underground 
unionization as among the revolutionary 
workingmen of Russia. 

When the economic factions of a war, 
whether a civil war or a class war are 
present, then sooner or later fighting will 

There were "mine guards" and com- 
pany detectives to "keep order." When 
things got worse, the state militia was 
brought in and new companies were re- 
cruited, consisting (by official commis- 
sion of Adj. Gen. Chase) of from 77 to 
90 per cent of employes of the coal com- 
panies — 30 to 40 per cent of "mine 
guards!" The same ruffians who horri- 
fied the country in West Virginia and 
Michigan now armed with the weapons 
and clad in the uniform of the state ! 

How did they behave? The country 
ought to know the story by now; how 
they jailed men and women by scores 
and held them incommunicado. How they 
rode down a procession of women and 
children, sabreing and maiming young 
girls. How they deliberately tortured 
men and murdered prisoners in cold 

Then came Ludlow — the destruction of 
a tent colony full of women and children 
by machine gun and torch. The country 
has never heard of a tenth of the horror 
of this event. 

It has never heard of the car load of 
quick lime that was brought in to help 
in keeping down the death list. It has 
never heard of the score or two who were 
missing and have been missing ever 

But it heard enough, and so did the 

The authority of the debauched gov- 
ernment of the state was overthrown, 
and, believe me, once for all. Those who 
talk of restoring it have no idea of the 
number of people in Colorado and else- 
where who are pledged to die, if need be, 
to prevent its being restored. 

We read that there has been civil war 
in Colorado. We read that the state 
troops have turned machine guns on 
women and children and that the state 
legislature has appropriated $1,000,000 to 

pay the costs of such proceedings and to 
provide for more of it in the future. 

What does all this mean? 

Is not Colorado an American state, 
like all the rest of the states? 

Why have the American people toler- 
ated such things? 

My explanation is a basely materialistic 
one. I say that: the state is young and 
possesses enormous natural resources, 
and that from the beginning these re- 
sources have been thrown open to a 
free-for-all scramble on the good old 
American principle of "do others before 
they do you." 

There are seventeen coal companies in 
the strike field, and a single one paid 
nearly $2,000,000 irr profits last year. 

The government of the state, with all 
its powers, has been made the football 
of warring interests such as these. It has 
been corrupted and kept corrupt — shame- 
lessly, naively corrupt. 

I sat at lunch with two lawyers who 
chatted of things they knew, and pres- 
ently one remarked that the gas and elec- 
tric company had purchased its proper- 
ties for $3,000,000 — and capitalized them 
at $50,000,000— and sold the stock. Then 
he proceeded to name who had got a 
share (so many of the eminent leaders 
of the city), and how there had been a 
quarrel with the tramway companies, and 
how a certain editor had told too much 
and been shot — the fifth time he had had 
lead taken out of him — which spoke 
poorly for Colorado marksmanship. 

Then something brought up the sugar 
companies; how it had been testified at 
Washington that they had hired an emi- 
nent authority to write a pamphlet prov- 
ing that sugar beets enriched the soil, 
so that the farmers of the state would go 
on raising sugar beets to be sold at less 
than cost! 

And then I went from the lunch table 
to talk with a miner's wife whose hus- 
band had lost his job because she bought 
milk from one of these farmers instead 
of from a company store. 

Enough ! Everything in the state has 
been stolen. And now what is to be done 
about it? The first thing I have to say- 
is that the state will not be saved by any 
of the agencies of redemption to which the 
people generally look — not the churches 
or the clergy or the big university. 

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If you had gone to meetings of the 
"Law and Order League" you might have 
heard two clergymen one afternoon de- 
fending the state and calling for the 
blowing up of miners' homes with dyna- 
mite; and Denver was preparing to beg 
$250,000 from those who had done it — 
and it was not the miners who had it. 

So far the strikers have respected the 
uniform and the flag of the United States, 
and this in spite of the fact that they have 
been treated far from fairly. I talked with 
a lawyer who had handled the affairs of 
the United Mine Workers in the strike 
district, and he told me of the difficulty 
that he had had in getting permission for 
the strikers to rebuild the tent colony at 
Ludlow. He had to telegraph several 
times to Washington. 

A little while later the Trinidad Free 
Press, the miners' paper, published the 
statement that the Colorado Fuel and 
Iron Company's gunmen were hiding 
their arms. In reply to that the federal 
officer in command served notice on the 
editor of the paper that he must print a 
retraction. I have myself seen the docu- 
ment which the officer wrote out in his 
own handwriting — an abject and humili- 
ating apology. "Unless this was pub- 
lished the paper would be suppressed. 

The lawyer advised the editor to defy 
this order, and he personally defied the 
officer to carry out his threat, with the 
result that the officer backed down. 

These things do not produce a favor- 
able impression with the strikers. 

The importation of strikebreakers whole- 
sale has been forbidden; but men who 
want to work are allowed to come in of 
their own free wil. Any one can see how 
easy this will be for"the strikebreaking 
agencies. The strikers are not allowed 
to picket at the depot — for which rule 
there is no warrant in law or justice. 

So it would seem the companies have 
only to wait and starve out the strikers. 
One thing stands in the way, however. 
There are elections coming next Novem- 
ber. The corporations and their hench- 
men have relied upon these four coal 
counties to carry the state. They have 
been accustomed to hold up the returns 
on election night until they see the num- 
ber of votes they need. 

Should there be an honest election, the 
corporations might lose their grip forever. 

This is even more important than win- 
ning the strike. So you may set this one 
thing down for certain — that the federal 
troops will be out of Colorado before next 
election day. 

How will they manage it? All the 
miners and the leaders with whom I 
talked agreed that the corporations had 
one thing to do, and will be certain to do 
it. That is to start trouble between the 
federal troops and the miners. 

The day I left Denver the press dis- 
patches reported that somebody had 
thrown a brick out of a window at the 
soldiers. Then night came on, and some- 
body fired some shots at the soldiers from 
the hills. Of course, the press dispatches 
said this was the work of the miners. I 
cannot say, for I was not there. I can 
only point out that the miners have 
everything to lose and nothing to gain 
by such proceedings;' that the only gain- 
ers will be the coal operators, their gun- 
men and their private detectives. 

They have innumerable Spies among 
the miners. What more simple than to 
have them throw some bricks and start 
some fighting? What more simple than 
to get a party of the miners drunk — or, 
for that matter, to get some soldiers 
drunk, and to tell them stories and reveal 
plots to them? 

Some may say the company managers 
would be incapable of such a thing. Let 
me point out to you that some of the rich- 
est capitalists in New England were not 
above having dynamite "planted" in 
order to discredit the Lawrence strikers. 

I want to do what I can to warn you, 
to prepare you for any devilment that 
may be attempted. I want the people to 
know what kind of men are in control in 
Colorado, and what weapons they are 
using in their fight. 

I say that I do not think the working- 
men of this country have ever faced a 
more serious crisis than this one. The 
corporations have pursued a policy of 
lawlessness and brutality ; if they are per- 
mitted to get away with it undisturbed, 
it will be an encouragement to every 
other lawless corporation in the land. If, 
on the other hand, they can be beaten 
back from their prey, it will be a warning 
to exploiters of labor that they have gone 
too far. 

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How tne Apes Discontent Witn Economic Conditions Caused the 

Origin of Man 

[From Current Opinion.] 

A REVOLT against its lot in life trans- 
formed the ape into a man. Not un- 
til discontent established itself in the 
consciousness of the simian progeni- 
tors of the human race could our species 
begin its ascent of that slope which led from 
the forest-tree-tops of a tropical wilderness 
to the exercise of the developed brain. Had 
no ape ever revolted against economic con- 
ditions there would be no race of men upon 
the planet. Those apes which were satisfied 
with things as they were remained in the 
tree-tops to maintain their species. Such is 
the conclusion to which that renowned an- 
thropologist, Professor G. Elliot Smith, of 
the British Association for the Advance- 
ment of Science, is led by careful study of 
the determining factor in the origin of man. 
He dismisses the case for the erect attitude 
as the cause in question by citing instances 
of apes which walk erect, or even lower or- 
ganisms which can assume the same atti- 

tude. If the erect attitude is to explain all, 
asks Professor Elliot Smith, why did not 
the gibbon become a man in Miocene times ? 
He can not take seriously the argument for 
the liberation of the hands and the cultiva- 
tion of their skill as the foundation of man's 
supremacy in animate creation. The power 
of speech is less a cause than a consequence 
and in any event it was not the prime factor. 
It was discontent that gave the ape a brain 
in any true sense and thus made him a man. 
The whole of his argument is aimed at 
demonstrating that the steady growth of 
the brain, under the influence just stated, 
has been the fundamental factor in leading 
man's ancestors upward from the lowly in- 
sectivore status, through every earlier phase 
in the evolution of mammals. But such ad- 
vances as the assumption of the erect atti- 
tude are brought about simply because the 
brain has made the skilled movements of 
the hands possible and of definite use in the 


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49 . 

struggle for existence. Yet once such a 
stage has been attained, the very act of lib- 
erating the hands for the performance of 
more delicate movements opens the way for 
a further advance in brain development to 
make the most of the more favorable con- 
ditions and the greater potentialities of the 

In the remote Oligocene period, an ape 
nearly akin to the ancestors of the Indian 
sacred monkey became definitely specialized 
in structure in adaptation for the assump- 
tion of the erect attitude. This type of early 
anthropoid has persisted with relatively 
slight modifications in the gibbon of the 
present day. But if the earliest gibbons 
were already able to walk upright, how is it 
that they did not begin to use their hands, 
thus freed from the work of progression on 
the earth, for skilled work, and at once be- 
come men? The obvious reason is that the 
brain had not yet attained a sufficiently high 
state of development to provide a sufficient 
amount of useful skilled work, apart from 
tree climbing, for these competent hands to 
do. In the language of Doctor Smith's elu- 
cidation in London Nature: 

"The ape is tied down absolutely to his ex- 
perience, and has only a very limited ability 
to anticipate the results even of relatively sim- 
ple actions, because so large a proportion of 
his neopallium is under the dominating influ- 
ence of the senses. 

"Without a fuller appreciation of the con- 
sequences of its actions than the gibbon is 
capable of, the animal is not competent to 
make the fullest use of the skill it undoubtedly 
possesses. What is implied in acquiring this 
fuller appreciation of the meaning of events 
taking place around the animal? The state of 
consciousness awakened by a simple sensory 
stimulation is not merely an appreciation of 
the physical properties of the object that sup- 
plies the stimulus: the object simply serves to 
bring to consciousness the results of experi- 
ence of similar or contrasted stimulations in the 
past, as well as the feelings aroused by or as- 
sociated with them, and the acts such feelings 
excited. This mental enrichment of a mere 
sensation so that it acquires a very precise 
and complex meaning is possible only because 
the individual has this extensive experience to 
fall back upon; and the faculty of acquiring 
such experience implies the possession of large 
neopallial areas for recording, so to speak, 
these sensation-factors and the feelings asso- 
ciated with them. The 'meaning' which each 
creature can attach to a sensory impression 
presumably depends not on its experience only 
but more especially upon the neopallial pro- 
vision in its brain for recording the fruits of 
such experience. 

"Judged by this standard, the human brain 
bears ample witness, in the expansion of the 

great temporo-parietal area, which so obvi- 
ously has been evolved from the regions into 
which visual, auditory, and tactile impulses are 
poured, to the perfection of the physical coun- 
terpart of the enrichment of mental structure, 
which is the fundamental characteristic of the 
human mind." 

The mere process of learning to execute 
any act of skill necessarily involves the cul- 
tivation not only of the muscles which pro- 
duce the movement, and the cortical area 
which excites the actions of these muscles, 
but in even greater measure the sensory 
mechanisms in the neopallium which are re- 
ceiving impressions from the skin, the mus- 
cles and the eyes to control the movements 
at the moment. Incidentally they are edu- 
cating these cortical areas, stimulating their 
growth and enriching the mental structure 
with new elements of experience. Out of 
the experience gained in constantly per- 
forming acts of skill, the knowledge of 
cause and effect is acquired. Thus the high 
specialization of the motor area, which made 
complicated actions possible, and the great 
expansion of the temporo-parietal area, 
which enabled the ape-man to realize the 
"meaning" of events occurring around him, 
reacted one upon the other, so that the crea- 
ture came to understand that a particular 
act would entail certain consequences. In 
other words, the ape-man gradually ac- 
quired the faculty of shaping its conduct in 
anticipation of results : 

"Long ages ago, possibly in the Miocene, 
the ancestors common to man, the gorilla and 
the chimpanzee, became separated into groups, 
and the different conditions to which they be- 
came exposed after they parted company were 
in the main responsible for the contrasts in 
their fate. In oue group the distinctively prim- 
ate process of growth and specialization of 
the brain, which had been going on in their an- 
cestors for many thousands, even millions, of 
years, reached a stage when the more venture- 
some members of the group, stimulated per- 
haps by some local failure of the customary 
food, or maybe led forth by a curiosity bred of 
their growing realization of the possibilities of 
the unknown world beyond the trees which 
hi'herto had been their home, were impelled to 
issue forth from their forest, and seek new 
sources of food and new surroundings on hill 
and plain, wherever they could obtain the sus- 
tenance they needed. The other group, per- 
haps because they happened to be more favor- 
ably situated or attuned to their surroundings, 
living in a land of plenty which encouraged 
indolence in habit and stagnation of effort and 
growth, were free from this glorious unrest, 
and remained apes, continuing to lead very 
much the same kind of life (as gorillas and 
chimpanzees) as their ancestors had been liv- 

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ing since the Miocene or even earlier times, tal supremacy simply because they were satis- 

That both of these unenterprizing relatives of fiejd with their circumstances." 

man happen to live in the forests of tropical T . . ... .. ,« r _. t 

Africa has always seemed to me to be a strong ^ w a proposition resting upon the famil- 

argument in favor of Darwin's view that Africa iar but not wholly understood fact that the 

was the original home of the first creatures animals are subject to the passions. Such 

definitely committed to the human career; for emot i ons as jealousy, anger, revenge, grati- 

while man was evolved amidst the strife with , , , ., %., V !« • «« j k.7™.- 

adverse conditions, the ancestors of the gorilla tude and th * llke <*? be experienced by jer- 

and chimpanzee, gave up the struggle for men- tebrates. The ape is not the least of these. 


By Max Eastman. ^ 

You would be surprised to know from what source the lawless 
capitalists of Colorado derive proof that all the anarchy is on the side 
of the working class. I succeeded in the role of a Sunday School lec- 
turer, ardently searching for God's truth, in meeting the General Man- 
ager of the Victor American Company, receiving admission through the 
lines of the Delagua mines, and having a talk with Snodgrass, its 

I had just come up from the tent ruins at Ludlow, where I counted 
twenty-one bullet holes in one washtub, and Snodgrass assured me 
that the soldiers had not fired on the tent colony at all. So I have not 
given great weight to his very charming and judicious remarks upon 
other subjects. But I do want to quote this much upon the subject of 
the national officers of the United Mine Workers of America. 

"Those men are anarchists, you know. Even the Socialists won't 
stand for them. Why, there's a book by this man — what's his name? 
He's a Socialist — Hunter. That's right, Robert Hunter. Have you 
seen it? He says the Socialists won't stand for the methods of these 
men, they're anarchists." 

"Is that book being read a good deal?" I asked. 

"Oh yes, it's being very widely circulated. I have it here. Every- 
body around here is reading it." — From the New Review. 

A Typical Letter from a "Live Wire." — "Youngstown, Ohio. Dear Com- 
rades: Enclosed find $2.50 for which please send at once 50 more copies of 
the June issue of the Review. I went on the street Saturday evening and 
made a talk and the Reviews did not last two minutes, and lots of men came 
up with their money, but I had sold out, so rush these to me at once." — C. W. S. 

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□ D 









□ ni 

Tke Class Struggle 

By J. E. Sinclair 


iHE history of all hitherto exist- 
ing society is a history of class 
struggles." So runs the first 
line that follows the introduc- 
tion to the Communist Manifesto. He 
who has grasped the materialist inter- 
pretation of history can trace the eco- 
nomic purpose back of each great dra- 
matic scene in history. He can see how 
classes form and how, goaded on by eco- 
nomic need, each strives for mastery over 
the food getting processes of life. 

Even the casual* student of history can 
see the economic motives that actuated 
the murderers of the Gracchi and that 
, threw vast armies into the mountain de- 
files of Italy to crush the daring Sparta- 
cus. The struggle between the rising cap- 
italists and their feudal landlords is ap- 
parent to every student of European 
history and its bloody climax in the 
French Revolution needs no comment 
here. In America, too, the conflict be- 
tween the manufacturing and financial 
classes of the North and the slaveholders 
of the South ended in four years of civil 
war and salted southern swamps with the 
bleaching bones of the dead. 

We might go on and enumerate one by 
one the great class wars of history; but 
why discuss these conflicts of the past 
further than to illustrate the truth of the 
Marxian law of the continuity of the class 
struggle since the dawn of civilization 
and the breaking up of the gens? As this 
is being written the conflict of the tragic 
present is going on all about us. Today 
they are burying the nursing mothers and 
the charred bodies of their babes who 
died last Monday in the class war at Lud- 

low in Colorado. Only last December we 
buried seventy-four of our dead in the 
snow-covered graveyard near Calumet in 
Michigan. Tomorrow the deadly machine 
guns of the ruling class may begin their 
convincing argument under the reader's 
very eyes. 

It is here. There is no disputing its 
terrible presence — a war between the mil- 
itant proletariat and the owners of the 
earth. That it has assumed the character 
of open war is not the fault of the work- 
ers. They did not hire the armies of gun- 
men that a year ago infested the smoking 
hills of West Virginia. They did not in- 
troduce bayonets into the Lawrence 
strike. For years they have endured the 
clubs, the bayonets and the terror of bru- 
talized capitalism. And now today they 
are arming in Colorado and are sweeping 
the gunmen from the hills. The gospel 
of peace that they have been preaching 
has been changed by the very necessities 
of the pressing moment into the stern 
gospel of arming for the defense of their 

These things no intelligent student 
can fail to consider: 1. The economic 
origin of the struggle between the capital- 
ists and the proletariat. 2. The elements 
that make up the respective forces. 3. 
The tactics that the workers should pur- 
sue. 4. What the outcome may be in 
the near future. 

We have seen how with the progress 
of technical development power produc- 
tion has crushed out practically every 
other kind of production. We have seen 
how a class of small property holders in 
the means of production have been ruined 


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by the arrival on the industrial field of 
machinery so complicated and costly that 
the little fellow simply had to quit and 
make way for the big corporation. We 
have seen how this massing of the means 
of production has socialized production 
and how it has organized the workers 
into vast industrial armies for the making 
and distribution of human necessities. 
And we have seen how these workers, re- 
gardless of the ever increasing output of 
the machines which they operate, receive 
a wage that barely enables them to live 
and propagate after the fashion of beasts 
of burden. We have seen the vast sur- 
plus created by these workers going into 
the hands of a useless class that no longer 
functions in industry. 

In their misery even the more igno- 
rant among the workers cry out for more 
food, more pay, and shorter hours; but 
in the midst of the vast proletarian army 
of producers that modern industry has 
called into being there develops a mili- 
tant proletariat that rises above the atti- 
tude of prayer and strikes for better con- 
ditions of labor. And inside this militant 
group there gradually forms a revolution- 
ary group that demands the full product 
of its toil, and in order that this may be 
made possible it demands that the means 
of production that are socially operated 
shall be socially owned. 

The theories of this revolutionary 
group are born of the struggle in which 
the workers live. They are practical the- 
ories. They have to do with food, cloth- 
ing, and shelter, and are elaborated and 
propounded by those in the business of 
providing for the world food, clothing, 
and shelter. They do the work of the 
world ; they know the machinery of pro- 
duction and distribution; they alone arc 
competent to discuss intelligently the 
feeding and clothing and housing of the 
world. The doctrine that these revolu- 
tionary working men propound is So- 
cialism. It is not a dream. It is a stern 

For with the progress of machine pro- 
duction in all the lands of the earth the 
markets have become glutted with goods 
that the very producers cannot buy back 
for the simple reason that they are paid 
much less than the value of their prod- 
uct. Besides there grows ever greater 

the army of the unemployed, dotted 
every here and there with blacklisted rev- 
olutionary workers whom capitalism has 
consigned to this living death. 

Around the nucleus of revolutionists in 
the army of industry and in the army of 
the unemployed the militant workers are 
rallying in ever increasing forces. At the 
same time the numbers of militant prole- 
tarians increases owing to the fearful 
pressure of capitalist industrial life, to 
the spread of education necessary in cap- 
italist industry, and to the obvious uncer- 
tainty of employment and life under cap- 
italism. With the spread of this intelli- 
gence labor becomes consciousof its mis- 
sion. It sees its product passing from it 
into the hands of social parasites. It re- 
fuses to be silenced. It articulates the 
gospel of the revolution. 

In the army of wage and salary work- 
ers there are many that we can never 
count upon to become militant. They 
constitute what we might class the new 
middle class — mechanical engineers, ar- 
chitects, civil engineers, superintendents, 
bosses, and all the great army of officials 
that modern industry has created for the 
direction and suppression of the workers. 
In spite of the fact that many of these 
workers perform socially necessary func- 
tions, they are as a class the most con- 
temptible enemies of labor. In every vio-< 
lent struggle with the master class the 
workers find these together with the so- 
cially rotting remnants of the old mid- 
dle class in open and violent opposition 
to the toiling masses. 

What changes the next turn in the 
wheel of industrial evolution may bring 
about in the ranks of this "aristocracy" 
of labor and intellect we can hardly tell, 
but the militant wage worker is not 
counting on its assistance at the present 

In their war with the master class the 
workers are deeply interested in the best 
methods of bringing about the culmina- 
tion of the conflict and of ushering in 
the co-operative commonwealth. Mo- 
mentous as this question may seem, it 
does not approach in importance the- need 
for new methods of spreading economic 
intelligence among the workers. The 
scientific thinker will be bound by no 
hard and fast rules. He will meet the 

Digitized by 




conditions as they arise one by one with 
the means that he happens to have at 
hand at that time. If political action will 
get him anywhere he will use that. If 
more direct and immediate action is 
needed he will not hesitate in the hour 
of his dire need. It is unnecessary that 
a discussion of tactics should ever be- 
come bitter an^ong revolutionists who 
are capable of understanding the mate- 
rialistic interpretation of history. And 
the dogmatic denial of the right of any 
worker to discuss what methods he 
thinks best is to be deeply regretted. 

The kind nurses who are afraid that 
the militant proletariat will hurt itself 
by using certain methods not prescribed 
by the more learned are sensible enough 
to remain silent or brave enough even to 
assist when the rifles begin to crack in 
some dark West Virginia valley or on 
some bloody stained sagebrush plain in 
Colorado. It is then that we begin to 
see that our most stern political action- 
ists are ready to die in the trenches be- 
side us as bravely and as nobly as the 

It is not action that the workers need 
fear. It is inaction. With the militant 
worker or the revolutionists of whatever 
faith we have no fight. Our differences 
fade away in the face of our common 
peril — annihilation by the paid thugs of 
the masters. The prize that we all seek 
is the world and industrial freedom to 
use the world in the interest of the work- 
ing class. Only pedants will pause to 
quibble about incidentals by the way- 
side. Our march is the march of man, 
our trail the pulsing path of human prog- 
ress. Kaustky has faith in political ac- 
tion. Tom Mann believes in direct ac- 
tion on the economic field. The capital- 
ists hate and fear both. 

With the progress of industrial evolu- 
tion the working class slowly but surely 
develops a class consciousness, a feeling 
that it has a mission to fulfill, a feeling 
that it must develop its own institutions 
in the fulfilling of this mission. With 
the birth of this class consciousness there 
is born a new desire to learn. Through 
the whirr of wheels in the factory the 
worker catches faint glimpses of a 
greater knowledge than the masters have 
allowed him to possess. In his constant 

struggle with the master class he learns 
his mental deficiencies and proceeds to 
reach out for more knowledge of the 
right kind. The product of a scientific 
age, he yearns for scientific knowledge 
that will help him in the struggle with 
the masters. The books that he reads 
are books of power. He becomes a 
thinker. He rises to glimpse ever grander 
vistas. He sees the causes that lie back 
of capitalism and he sees beyond a new 
world, shaping itself in his very hands, a 
world of industry regulated by those en- 
gaged in industry, a world in which the 
political state as we know it today has 
become unnecessary. He sees the army 
of the revolution growing as it struggles 
with the masters. He sees its intelligence 
increase by leaps and bounds when it 
reaches the point where it realizes its 
mission. He does not look to govern- 
ments to save his class, but bases his 
hopes for the emancipation of the work- 
ers upon the self-activity of the workers 
themselves acting under economic neces- 
sity imposed upon them by the very laws 
of capitalist production. 

Because the working class and the em- 
ploying class have nothing in common 
the class struggle now raging between 
them must be carried to its logical con- 
clusion. And the logical as well as the 
biological conclusion of that struggle is 
bound to be the utter vanquishment of 
the class that no longer functions in pro- 
duction. The shaping of the new society 
is not in the keeping of any party or sect. 
It is bound to be the child of the present, 
an outgrowth of our marvelous industrial 
development. Just as industry scorns po- 
litical boundary lines, so must it scorn 
international hatreds and political insti- 
tutions based upon such hatreds. The 
offspring of world-industry, its field of 
operation must be the world. The cul- 
mination of the class struggle, the co- 
operative commonwealth will have no 
need for political institutions of oppres- 
sion. Its business must be the manage- 
ment of things and not the government 
of men. Until this stage is reached, the 
class struggle will go on with increasing 
bitterness and barbarity. 

The industrial revolution and the ush- 
ering in of power production on a large 
scale and for a world market created the 

Digitized by 




modern proletariat and gave it a voice, 
because the very needs of capitalist pro- 
duction made some semblance of an edu- 
cation necessary even among the work- 
ers. The social revolution that we now 
see going on about us as a bitter class 
war is simply the social adjustment that 
is coming as a result of the industrial 
changes that have gone before. Eco- 
nomic determinism is grimly working out 
the solution of life and that solution is 
Socialism. In that momentous conflict 
that we now see about us, as in all other 
conflicts, the fittest will survive; and the 
fittest class is the class that functions in 
the production of useful things. The 
elimination of the master class means the 
social ownership of the means of produc- 

By the red furnace fires, in among the 
wheels, in mines, on farms, on sea, on 
land, the army of the revolution is form- 
% ing for the last grand charge. It is an 
army of peace. Its mission is to save. 
But it will not shirk the sternest tasks. 
It cannot stop in its march to freedom. 
In the hour when the workers see plainly 
the full meaning of their misery no foYxe 
on earth can stop them. That day is rap- 
idly approaching. Urged on by economic 
need, the creatures of economic forces 
inherent in capitalist society, the workers 
must win the world. 

Not with any other feeling than that of 
optimism can the working class student 
view the future. The progress of ma- 
chine production has socialized industry 
and has created in the hands of the mas- 
ters surplus values of such great magni- 
tude that even a wayfaring man may see 
that the end is in sight. Each day the 
solidarity of labor grows more strong. 
Each day the progress of science kills 
some god, some superstition, some witch- 
craft of the past that has blinded our 
fathers before us. Each day the naked 
facts of capitalist cruelty drive more 
workers to see the utter impossibility of 
compromise and the absolute necessity of 

seizing the means of production for them- 
selves. This seizure means the culmina- 
tion of the class struggle and the begin- 
ning of a new era. 

Suggestions for Study. 

Read again the Communist Manifesto. 
Also read "No Compromise," by Lieb- 
knecht; "The Class Struggle," by Kaut- 
sky ; "The Debate : Direct Action vs. Po- 
litical Action," by Lewis and Mann, and 
Part III of "Socialism, Utopian and Sci- 
entific," by Engels. Over and over again 
we have used this last work and the rea- 
son is surely apparent to the real student 
who has patiently followed the course 
throughout. It is a classic of the highest 

In this course we have simply touched 
on the three great sociological laws dis- 
covered by Marx and his great co-worker, 
Engels. It is impossible to cover the 
great and varied field of Socialist thought 
in a few brief articles. But with a clear 
comprehension of the three cardinal prin- 
ciples the student will have little trouble 
with the details of a movement that em- 
braces the world of human activities. 

As this is the concluding lesson we 
shall omit the usual questions and topics 
for discussion. Pressing questions spring 
up now on all sides. The class struggle 
is assuming new and, to many, startling 
forms. Even the slum proletariat, so 
much despised by revolutionists in the 
past, is awakening. The despised immi- 
grant, whom we but yesterday in foolish 
Utopian fury asked the capitalistic state 
to exclude, turns out on the picket line to 
be our brother-in-arms. Students of Sci- 
entific Socialism must keep pace with the 
transforming forces that move about us. 
New things are happening. New tactics 
are being devised. Socialism cannot be 
confined to any mold. It must expand 
as the class struggle expands. It must 
take on the newer forms needed by the 
exigencies of a newer life. There is noth- 
ing fixed in the universe, all is reverberant 
relationship and change. 

The Best Magazine — I think the Review one 
among the best magazines published. I have 
decided to never be without the Review and 
aim to always keep my name on the subscrip- 
tion list from now on. — C. C. Greenhill. Hills- 
boro, Texas. 

Needs Review to Keep Posted — I look for- 
ward with keen interest to every number of 
this newsy magazine, and feel that it would 
be exceedingly difficult to keep posted on 
what is doing without it. Yours for a fear- 
less press. — Harriet T. Chervin, Oswego, (..'re. 

Digitized by 




Carnegie Outdistanced by the Modest 
Wage- Workers or Massachusetts 

IN THE year 1911 the wage-workers of 
Massachusetts made up among them- 
selves as a free gift a magnificent sum 
of money officially reported as $293,- 
762,568. These figures, however, are 
grossly underestimated, the true figure be- 
ing over a billion dollars. 

This* assertion seems on its face so im- 
probable that we hasten to give our author- 
ity. We discovered the facts from a careful 
examination of "Public Document No. 36" 
of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, 
consisting of the Twenty-Sixth Annual Re- 
port of the Statistics of Manufactures. 
From a voluminous table starting on page 2 
of this report it appears that there were 
during 1911 in the State of Massachusetts 
8,132 factories, employing 584,033 wage- 
workers. During the year these factories 
used materials of all kinds amounting in 
value to $863,050,379. They paid in wages 
$311,148,856. The value of their product, 
according to the official report, was $1,- 
467,961,803. This seems to indicate that 
the labor of the wage-workers added $604, 
911,424 to the value of the materials on 
which they worked, so that after deducting 
the wages they received, they contributed 
as a free gift to the capitalist class the sum 
of $293,762,568. If this were all, it would 
mean a contribution of over five hundred 
dollars from each wage-worker. But it is 
not all. The "value of product," $1,467,- 
961,803 according to the official statisticians, 
means the value at the factory. When the 
things made by the workers have passed 
through the hands of jobber and wholesaler 
and are tagged with their prices in the re- 
tail stores where the workers spend their 
wages, the price has gone up from $1,467,- 
961,803 to about two and a half billion dol- 

lars. So the real donation of the Massa- 
chusetts wage-workers to the International 
Brotherhood of Capitalists during the year 
1911 was over A BILLION DOLLARS. 

Much as we admire the splendid energy 
and ability shown by the workers in pro- 
ducing this vast mass of wealth, we can not 
resist the desire to point out their extreme 
folly in this misdirected gift. As a matter 
of fact they and their wives and children 
were in urgent need of this very wealth 
which they so recklessly lavished on a class 
of people who already had all the wealth 
they could use. Perhaps the most deplorable 
fact about the whole affair is the well- 
founded suspicion that most of the donors 
of this vast sum did not understand the 
transaction in the least, and imagined that 
they were getting a "fair share," or at least 
nearly a fair share, of the wealth they were 

It may be urged that a large proportion 
of these workers were without opportunity 
to learn the real facts in the case. But this 
makes the inactivity of their labor union 
officials still more despicable, since these of- 
ficials were drawing salaries in return for 
which they were supposed to protect the 
interests of the members of the unions. 

The whole transaction has so shady an 
appearance that it is not surprising that up 
to this time the capitalist press has been 
silent about it. The one surprising thing 
is that the state officials of Massachusetts 
should have placed the information in such 
convenient and irrefutable shape. 

We wage-workers may as well own up 
that we have all been behaving just as fool- 
ishly as our brothers and sisters in Massa- 
chusetts. Isn't it time to stop being so gen- 
erous ? 


Digitized by 




Progressivism and After — In Eu- 
rope. At the end of April and beginning 
of May parliamentary elections were held 
in France and Sweden. The results were 
almost identical. In both countries Con- 
servatives and Socialists gained at the 
expense of the Liberals. Similar results 
have marked recent elections in other 
European countries. 

In this country we have been busy for 
the past year readapting our Socialist 
philosophy to fit the sudden appearance 
of Progressivism. We have accounted 
for the apparently increasing importance 
of the new middle class and some of us 
have reached the conclusion that this mid- 
dle class, organized in some sort of Pro- 
gressive, or liberal, party, will bring about 
the next great changes in our political 
and economic system. 

The European elections referred to 
seem to lead to an opposite conclusion 
In France, e. g., the various radical 
groups represent the intelligence, con- 
science and class interest of small capital- 
ists, professional people and others who 
for one reason or another cannot figh* 
with the reactionaries. Many of them 
have stood for various important reforms ; 
they have opposed the three-year mili- 
tary law. If any force outside the work- 
ing class is to take the lead in bringing 
about the next important rearrangement 
of things it must be represented by these 
groups. But these groups are precisely 
the ones which are losing pow*r at the 
present time. 

The only answer which could be made 
to these considerations would be one to 
the effect that the French Socialist party 
virtually represents the middle class. And 
it is true that in France the Socialists 
count among their numbers mo^e small 
capitalists and professional folk than in 
any other country. It is true, too, that 
at this last election great gains were 
made in the rural districts. But the pro- 
gram was a straight anti-capital'st pro- 
gram. It is probable that there never was 
before an election in France in which la- 
bor unionists took so large a part, and 
they supported the Socialist candidates 

solidly. Even the anarchistic syndical- 
ists went to the polls to help elect Social- 
ists. It is practically inconceivable that 
this party, once in power, should turn 
reformist, or state capitalist, or state so- 
cialist, or anything else but Socialist. 

The French Election. The thing most 
talked about in connection with the 
French election was the situation grow- 
ing out of the passage of the new mili- 
tary law. As has been previously ex- 
plained in the Review, the Conservatives 
and near Conservatives managed to pass 
a law requiring recruits to serve three 
years instead of two. This naturally made 
necessary a larger budget for military 
purposes. Here is where the rub came. 
The capitalists who had forced through 
this measure were unwilling to foot the 
bills. They defeated a financial scheme 
based on the passage of an income tax 
law. Then the ministry was hard put to 
it to get out of the hole into which it 
had been plunged. It has not yet got out. 
Money has been borrowed to help out, 
but as yet no method of paying regular 
expenses has been devised. 

Under these circumstances the Social- 
ists went to the country, making their 
campaign largely against militarism. The 
various Radical groups also opposed the 
three-year law. The Conservatives sup- 
ported it. Of course it is the popular 
vote that interests Socialists; it is that 
that shows whether propaganda has real- 
ly reached the people. In 1911 the So- 
cialist vote was 1,110,561; at the recent 
election it was 1,398,771. This amounts 
to sixteen per cent of the entire vote. In 
the first election there were only 40 So- 
cialists elected and the editor of THuman- 
ite remarked rather sadly that propor- 
tional representation would give the So- 
cialists 101 seats. What was his surprise 
to find after the second election that his 
party had actually acquired 102 seats. The 
Conservatives gained 7 seats, the Social- 
istic Radicals gained 23, and the Social- 
ists gained 27. Corresponding losses were 
sustained by the Progressistes, the Union 
of the Left, and the Republicans of the 


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So far as the immediate future of 
France is concerned this shifting of forces 
means little. There is still a majority in 
favor of the three-year law. It is possi- 
ble, of course, that something may be 
done to improve the new financial meas- 
ure which is to be introduced, for, on the 
whole, the left has been strengthened 
more than the right. 

But these are small matters. The im- 
portant thing is that the masses of the 
French people are turning to the Social- 
ist party. Of course many who voted 
the ticket are not Socialists, but they rec- 
ognize that Socialists stand honestly 
against the reactionary measures under 
which the people are suffering. 

The Swedish Election. In Sweden also 
the immediate issue was militarism. The 
king has recently taken a hand in the 
government and forced the preparation 
of a measure providing for a larger army. 
This measure is being pushed on thj pre- 
text that it is necessary to defend the 
country against Russia. It is supported 
by the Conservatives and opposed by the 
Socialists and Liberals. The number of 
voters was notably larger in this last elec- 
tion than in any previous one. There- 
fore all parties registered an increase. 
The Conservatives made a gain of 98,000, 
the Liberals gained 2,000, and the Social- 

ists gained 57,000. In relative strength, 
then, the Liberals lost. But the great 
majority of the people, 475,000 out of 
760,000, voted against the royal military 

The Russian Reaction. Affairs seem to 
be shaping themselves for another revo- 
lution in Russia. The workers are reor- 
ganizing, and the Social Democratic party 
is once more carrying on a powerful 
propaganda. And at the » same time the 
Czar seems to have determined to run 
the government back into its old pre- 
Duma methods. He has chosen for his 
latest prime minister a certain Goremy- 
kin, who treats the members of the Duma 
as if they were a pack of schoolboys. He 
has informed them that whenever the 
government is contemplating the intro- 
duction of a law on a certain matter the 
members of the legislative body are not 
allowed to present another measure deal- 
ing with the same matter. More recently 
he has practically put an end to the im- 
munity of the members. Comrade 
Tscheide, leader of the Socialist group, 
happened to mention in a speech the fact 
that he prefers the republican form of 
government to some others. Weeks aft- 
erward the premier demanded that the 
Duma turn Comrade Tscheide over to 
him to be prosecuted before a court for 

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this crime. This led to violent scenes, 
but it appears that the premier is to have 
his way. This will mean the end of the 
Duma as a tribunal. It long ago ceased 
to be a representative legislative assem- 

Party Congress in Italy. For many 
reasons the congress held in Ancona at 
the end of April was an important one. 
Only last year the annual gathering was 
followed by a split. For years the party 
had been divided and its work had been 
constantly hindered by a bitter struggle 
between Reformists and Revolutionists. 
Last year, at Regio Emalia, the Revolu- 
tionists outvoted the others and straight- 
way Bissolati stampeded with his fol- 
lowers and formed a new organization. 
Then came the midwinter election? to 
parliament and it was discovered that the 
regular party had grown immensely in 
its popular strength. It returned a group 
of 51 members, many more than it had 
ever had. And this in spite of the fact 
that this was the first election at which 
all adult males had taken part. It had 
been supposed that the participation of 
a great number of unschooled rural work- 
ers would cut down the relative impor- 
tance of the Socialist power. 

Now, after this great electoral victory, 
the Socialists met at Ancona to settle on 
their party policies. The great change 
brought about by the departure of the 
Reformists made it necessary to thrash 
out a number of problems and settle on 
new tactics. It is easy enough to be a 
Revolutionist in opposition, but Revolu- 
tionists in control of a great party have 
some knotty problems to solve. 

It strikes an American as rather ludi- 
crous that a large part of the energy 
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of narrow-minded sectarianism. But the 
other important piece of work done ex- 
hibited our Italian comrades working at 
a high level of intelligence and ef- 
ficiency. s 

Last year it was decided to forego all 
manner of combinations with other par- 
ties in national elections. The matter oi 
municipal elections, however, was left 
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thought by many that municipal politics 
are not to be taken up on party lines.* The 
decision reached at Ancona is refresh- 
ingly clear. It is a pleasure, too, to be 
able to report that the congress was not 
content to lay down general principles 
and let it go at that. It worked out a 
fairly full and intelligible program for 
party work in municipal campaigns. 

There were three resolutions on this 
topic: (1) One permitting combinations 
with capitalist parties; (2) one permit- 
ting combinations with labor organiza- 
tions ; (3) one forbidding any sort of com- 
bination. The first received 8,584 votes, 
the second received 3,214, and the third 
received 22,591. So the decision was 

The municipal program worked out 
shows a fine insight into the possibilities 
of working-class government. In the 
main it is covered by seven points: (1) 
Municipal home rule; (2) better schools, 
feeding of school children/and provisions 
of public libraries; (3) use of municipal 
agencies to reduce the cost of living; 
(4) institution of municipally owned and 
operated street car service, lighting 
plants, etc. ; (5) construction by the mu- 
nicipalities of cheap and healthful homes 
for working people; (6) improvement of 
general condition of the working class by 
the protection of children and mothers, 
erection of suitable hospitals, etc. ; (7) im- 
provement of condition of labor by recog- 
nition of the unions in municipal work, 
public support of the unemployed, etc. 

On the whole, one can look at the work 
of this congress with great satisfaction. 
Evidently in Italy the Revolutionists are 
not content with merely being revolu- 
tionary. They have a great mass of new 
voters to appeal to and from the start 
they are going to show them that the 
Socialist party is different. And as rap- 
idly as they come into power they are 
going to translate their revolutionary 
principles into better wages, better 
houses and better education. Let us hope 
that they will not develop a mania for 
expelling members. The world is much 
in need of revolutionists who are intent 
on doing something besides maintaining 
their purity. 

Ask this Man to 
Read Your Life 

His Wonderful Power to Read 
Human Lives at Any Distance 
Amazes All Who Write to Him 

Thousands of people in all walks of life have 
benefited by this man's advice. He tells you what 
you are capable of, and how you can be successful. 
He mentions vour friends and enemies and describes 
the good and bad periods in 
your life. 

His description as to past, 
present, and future events will 
astonish and help you. All he 
wants is your name (written 
by yourself), your birth date 
and sex to guide him in his 
work. Money is not necessary. 
Mention the name of this paper 
and get a Trial Reading free. 
If you want to take advantage 
of this special offer and obtain 
a review of your life simply 
send your full name, address, 
the date, month and year of 
birth (all clearly written), state 
whether Mr., Mrs. or Miss, and 
also a copy of the following 
in your own handwriting. 

"Tour advice is useful, 

So thousands say, 
I wish success and happiness; 
Will you show me the way?" 

If you wish you may enclose 10 cents (stamps of 
your own country) to pay postage and clerical work. 
Send your letter to Clay Burton Vance, Suite 3833-B 
Palais-Royal, Paris, France. Do not enclose coins 
in your letter. Postage on letters to France is 5 cents. 

Darrow's Pamphlet — "Industrial 

Lecture after the McNamara trial, price 

10c in quantities, 5c a copy. Address, 

Otto Newman, 241 J^ First St, Portland, Oregon 

SOCIALIST Cartoon Post Cards. Send me 10c. and I wfll 
send you a set of 10. no two alike. They are thought 
getters. Just the thing to send to the unconverted. Anti- 
war post cards 5 for 10c. Just the thing to send to the boys that 
have the Army and Navy bee. HOWARD FRASBR, SM 
North Chas. Street, Carlinrille, 111. 

> *tjMsy 


laalama. WHta ilaa yHiing m sps s tj , 

Wa ba|p buyars Isaais daalrabla 

,M rata** tilt* 

Digitized by 



Courtesy of Brown, Victoria. 



The Vancouver Island Strike— The coal 
miners of Cumberland and Nanaimo are still 
on strike and there seems to be little hope of 
settlement. The miners are obstinate and will 
not return to work until they get what they 
went out for, better working conditions and 
more wages. 

The strike zone is at present very quiet; 
peace reigns supreme; a few militiamen are 
scattered here and there and every face seems 
to look askance at the next one for we know 
not when an outbreak will occur. 

Since the trouble, twelve months ago, there 
have been many trials and many poor men 
sent to jail who are now serving a sentence. 
They have done absolutely no wrong. Not 
only these men, but the wives and children of 
the miners are suffering. The poor worn crea- 
tures who have spent their lives in digging 
coal down in the cold, dark mines that others 
may revel in luxury, ask for a few more cents 
per day that they may have just what it takes 
to keep life in their bodies, and then they are 
herded like cattle in a pen and a bunch of ig- 
norant working men, paid puppets of the rul- 
ing class, are put out to spy and watch them. 
Not. only are they ground down by the iron 
heel but their wives, mothers, and children are 
subjected to all manners of humiliations. One 
poor boy was given a sentence and died in 
the jail in a few days for lack of care. Some 
time ago the miners had a tag day; their wives 

and mothers were right by their sides. Old 
gray-haired women carried cigar boxes and 
sold tags — the money being used for relief 
of the miners' children. The same day was 
the opening of the parliament in Victoria, B. 
C, and the great Sir Richard McBride, escort- 
ed by soldiers, was making his way from the 
Government House when he was suddenly 
confronted by a delegation of the miners' 
wives and mothers, begging the great Premier 
to pardon the sdns and husbands who had 
been unjustly sentenced. But the Premier was 
firm; he laid his hand gently on one. woman's 
shoulder and said, "You miners' wives look 
intelligent and I think you would be better 
off if you stayed at home," and contributed 
$5 to their cause. The women went home 
that night disappointed and tired, their loved 
ones still in jail and no hope in sight for them. 

And still the strike drags on. Some have 
finished their sentences and are out again, but 
the future looks very dark. — D. Lopez. 

An Interesting Letter. — "I am dropping you 
a few lines to find out the price for bundle 
lots of the International Socialist Review as 
I know I can use quite a few. I am a victim 
of the Ludlow massacre, "it was my boy the 
gunman killed." I joined the Socialist party 
last week with fourteen more new members. 
I secured twenty June Reviews but they won't 
last over tomorrow. Yours for Socialism, 
William Snyder, Trinidad, Colo." 

Digitized by 




The Railroad Boys — One of our railway 
comrades, who has long been a rebel in the 
rail boys' organization, writes us this month 
of a new move on the part of the capitalist 
class to sidetrack the formation of a bona fide 
industrial railway men's union. This time it 
is a "substitute" for the men which is "just 
as good" according to those who exploit them, 
as the real thing. The comrade who writes 
us says that in September, 1913, James Faith 
of Pottsville, Pa., an employe of the Pennsyl- 
vania System, was sent out to organize the 
employes of this road into "One Big Union" 
from yardmaster down to the trackmen. And 
(this is the inducement offered by those who 
grab the profits from* the labor of the railroad 
boys) : Each member of this boss-controlled 
"industrial union" was to be made a "stock- 
holder in the P. R. R." The boys in Pennsyl- 
vania write that they don't yet know v/hat 
kind of stock was to be handed to the men. 
They say Mr. Faith was unable to inspire 
much faith in the yards, and that the next 
man to try to lead the boys into the bosses' 
traps "was a Mr. William Pearce. He was to 
"federate" the employes of the same road. 
But he didn't pierce very far before he had a 
strike on his hands. Doubtless the strike will 
fail, as 90 per cent of the men are sticking to 
the job so the railroad companies won't lose 

President Mellen of the N. Y. & N. H. was 
slated to head the next move for a federated 
group. This was in Boston and before we 
were able to turn around Kansas City was 
talking about an "amalgamation" of the rail- 
way employes. The two rebels who contrib- 
uted a short article to the Review two months 
ago, write: 

"In order that all railroad employes may 
understand our position we enclose a state- 
ment showing the cost of maintaining our 
present craft unions." Lack of space prevents 
us from printing their report in full. 


B. L. E $200,000 

B. L. F. & E 200,000 

O. R. C 200,000 

B. R. T 200,000 

Six wage movements every two years: 

Four in the West 800,00.0 

Four in the East 800,000 

4 Presidents drawing a salary of 36,000 

28 Vice-Presidents drawing 120,000 

Total $2,556,000 

A Chance for You — W. E. Reynolds, of 
Lewiston, Idaho, has started a new paper to 
teach scientific socialism. We know this 
sounds old-fashioned, but not to readers of 
the Review. Comrade Reynolds says just 
what the Review has said for several years — 
namely — that if the socialist party members 
studied scientific socialism there would be no 
party disputes in regard to tactics. Comrade 
Reynolds has prepared twenty questions on 
Marxian Economics and is offering to .vager 
a yearly subscription to his magazine against 
your answers to these questions, that you 
will be unable to answer FIVE of them cor- 
rectly. Any person qualified to answer these 

questions will have no difficulty in matters of 
party tactics. He will always be revolutionary 
and act in accordance with the interests of 
the working class. Write Comrade Reynolds 
and send two cents and get these questions. 
We believe that more readers of the Review 
will be able to correctly answer them than of 
any other socialist periodical. 

The Railroad Boys — Comrades John Hon- 
ichcr of St. Clair, Pa., and John L. Lundy, 
419 W. Main street, Pottsville, Pa., have is- 
sued a challenge to Messrs. Lee, Stone, Car- 
ter or Garrettson to meet them at Pottsville 
before a gathering of railroad employes or to 
issue a statement showing why an industrial 
organization could not be perfected and at a 
saving of hundreds of thousands of dollars an- 
nually to the union men. They also demand 
to know why this proposal should not be 
submitted to the rank and file for their ac- 
ceptance or rejection. 

Does anybody imagine the twenty-eight 
vice-presidents or the high salaried presidents 
will be in favor of an industrial union that 
will eliminate their jobs? Here is where the 
interests of the railway men's union officials 
and the interest of the railway men differen- 
tiate. This explains why nearly ALL union 
officials oppose industrial unionism. 

A Wager — I received the June Reviews, also 
samples of leaflets. Many thanks for prompt- 
ness. I would bet a barrel of salted peanuts 
against a doughnut that the June Revtew is 
the workers' best information in the nation. 
The letter from the front by a marine is the 
dope to awaken the indifferent worker. — L. T. 
Rush. Cedar Rapids, la. 

IN ORDER to brin« 
out catalogue of union 
made goods into the 
hands of the teaden of Re- 
view, we are offering a 
genuine sheepskin card 
case.made with four pock- 
ets; one for bills, etc., two 
with transparent window* 
for union membership 
cards and one pocket for 
your due-stamp book, or 

one of our Marxian 
•tick pins with the Party 
E mblem in the center for 
50 cents each — both of 
them for 90 cents. Re- 
member that these articles are union-made and bear the Union Label. 
Send money-order, stamps or silver to 

The Mutual Union Trading Company 

Postal Telegraph Building 335 Sherman St., Chicago 

Owned by members of the Working-Class. €J Socialist Locals 

supplied with party buttons in lots of 25, 50 or 100 

at very lowt whoUtalm price: 

Digitized by 



50c Box Free 

We Want to Prove at Our Own Expense That It Is No Longer 
Necessary to Be Thin, Scrawny and Undeveloped. 



"Gee! Look at that pair of skinny i 

This is a generous offer to every thin man or woman 
reader. We positively guarantee to increase your 
weight to your own satisfaction or no pay. Think 
this over — think what it means. At our own risk, we 
offer to put 10, 15, yes, 80 pounds of good, solid, 
"stay there" flesh on your bones, to fill out hollows 
in cheeks, neck or bust, to get rid of that "peaked" 
look, to rejuvenate and revitalize your whole body un- 
til it tingles with vibrant energy; to do this without 
drastic diet, "tonics," severe physical culture "stunts," 
detention from business or any irksome requirements 
— if we fail it costs you nothing. 

We particularly wish to hear from the excessively 
thin, those who know the humiliation and embarrass- 
ment which only skinny people have to suffer in 
silence. We want to send a free 50-cent package of 
our new discovery to the people who are called "slats" 
and "bean poles," to bony women, whose clothes never 
look "anyhow," no matter how expensively dressed, 
to the skinny men who fail to gain social or business 
recognition on account of their starved appearance. 
We care not whether you have been thin from birth, 
whether you have lost flesh through sickness, how 
many flesh builders you have experimented with. We 
take the risk and assume it cheerfully. If we cannot 
put pounds and pounds of healthy flesh on your frame 
we don't want your money. 

The new treatment is used to increase the red 
corpuscles in the blood, strengthen the nerves and 
put the digestive tract into such shape that your food 
is assimilated and turned into good, solid, healthy 
flesh instead of passing through the system undigested 
and unassimilated. It is a thoroughly scientific princi- 
ple, this Sargol, for building up the thin, weak and 

• ! Why don't they try Sargol?" 

debilitated without any nauseous dosing. In rrany 
conditions it is better than cod liver oil and certainly 
is much pleasanter to take. 

Send for the 50-cent box today. Convince us by 
your prompt acceptance of this offer that you are 
writing in good faith and really desire ' to gain in 
weight The 60-cent package which we will send 
you free will be an eye-opener to you. We send it 
that you may see the simple, harmless nature of our 
new discovery, how easy it is to take, how you can 
gain flesh privately without knowledge of friends 
or family until you astonish them by the prompt and 
unmistakable results. 

We could not publish this offer if we were not 
prepared to live up to it. It is only the astounding 
results of our new method of treatment that make 
such an offer and such a guarantee possible on our 
part. So cut off the coupon today and mail it at 
once to The Sargol Company, 678-V Herald Bldg., 
Binghamton, N. Y., and please inclose 10c with your 
letter to help pay distribution expenses. Take our 
word, you'll never regret it 


This certificate, with ten cents to help pay 
postage and distribution expenses, entitles the 
holder to one 60-cent package of Sargol, the 
Flesh Builder. The Sargol Co., 678-V Herald 
Bldg., Binghamton, N. Y. 


Digitized by 




From the "Live Ones."— The following 
rebels have sent in ten or more subscriptions 
to the Fighting Magazine during the past 
twenty days. This does not include the com- 
mades who secured three hundred yearly sub- 
scriptions for the trip to the International 
Congress in Vienna. After all, the "live ones" 
are the salt of the Revolutionary movement: 

Mileisen, Washington, D. C 20 

Luetzel, Marshall, Mo 10 

Patterson, Sacramento, Cal 10 

Rose, Elwood, Ind 10 

Fisher, E. St. Louis, 111 16 

Brown, Muncie, Ind 10 

Benson, Stroud, Okla 40 

Becker, Sheridan, Wyo 41 

Suhr, Detroit, Mich 11 

Marx, Mobile, Ala 10 

Giowad, Nucla, Colo . .* 10 

Magargal, Springfield, Mass 10 

Soderlund, Waldville, Sask., Can 10 

Bousley, Salem, Mass 10 

Flanagan, Woodhaven, L. I., N. Y 10 

Anthony, Toronto, Can 10 

McLeod, , 20 

Lisac, Ronald, Wash 10 

Fairchild, Wejlsburg, S. D 10 

Pauley, Miami, W. Va 10 

Luhnow, Glenview, 111 10 

Grigsby, Dallas, Tex 11 

Morningstar, Hagerstown, Md 10 

Sausser, Spokane, Wash 10 

Fell, Montana, Ark 10 

Fyffe, Turtle Creek, Pa 15 

Kietzman, Alta Vista, Kan 10 

Murphy, Street, Md 10 

Scott, Gibson, Mo 10 

Lear, Forbes, N. D 10 

Lecturer from China. — Comrade G. L. Hard- 
ing, who went to China for The Coming Na- 
tion and the Daily Herald of England, will be 
available for lecture dates in the middle west 
next fall. Comrade Harding is one of the 
most able lecturers and writers in England. 
He has first-hand information on all the stir- 
ring events that have recently occurred in 
China, latest news from Japan and has hun- 
dreds of pictures which he took himself in the 
Orient. Locals desiring him for a lecture can 
address the G. L. Harding Lecture Bureau, 43 
Washington square, New York City. 

From Alaska. — Enclosed find money to re- 
new my subscription to the Review. One copy 
is enough for me and my two partners. Our 
nearest neighbors are ten miles from here 
and they are Socialists too. 

From Meadville, Pa.— "Enclosed find $1.26 
for twenty-five copies of the best magazine in 
the world."— J. E. 

From Waukesha, Wis.— "I could not miss a 
copy."— J. Raggio. 

From Springfield, Ohio. — "Best magazine 
published and getting better all the time." — J. 
R. Johnston. 

From Banks, Ark. — "I like the Revolution- 
ary character of the Review, am sick and tired 
of opportunism." — S. R. Graham. 

From Candler, N. C— "I have taken the Re- 
view for years and cannot get along without 
it."— O. L. Bachelder. 

From Albia, Iowa. — "The Fighting Maga- 
zine is certainly getting better every month. 
It has any other Socialist publication in the 
United States beat all to pieces." — C. W. 

From New York City.-— "The Review is the 
best magazine for an old time rebel and I wish 
it a long life." — J. G. Schuck. 

From An Old Timer.— "Enclosed find $1.00 
to renew my subscription. I was a subscriber 
to almost the first issue of the Review and 
have not missed a copy all these years. Am 
now 76 years old and may not be here to re- 
new another subscription. Yours for Social- 
ism."— Virgil P. Hall, Mayfield, Me. 

From the Frozen North. — "Enclosed find P. 
O. money order for which send me the Re- 
view for one year. I consider it the best maga- 
zine in America. I simply can't do without 
it." — H. H. Rutzbeck, Porcupine, Alaska. 

Moses Baritz. — A comrade from Manchester, 
England, has been selling "Ancient Society" 
at his street meetings recently. Several com- 
rades write us from Duluth that he is one of 
the greatest exponents of Marxism and one 
of the best speakers they have ever heard. If 
he passes through your town you cannot do 
better than to arrange a meeting for him. 

A Boost from Milwaukee.— Comrade Hoden- 
berg writes: "Everybody I meet thinks that 
The International Socialist Review is the best 
socialist magazine published in this country. 
I am a regular reader of it for years and I 
surely would not want to miss a single issue." 

You Have a RIGHT to Independence 

You have a right to independence, but you must have an honest purpose to earn it. Many have par* 
pose, ambition and energy, bat thorough direction and intelligent help must be supplied. My instruction 
supplies the first and our Co-operative Bureau fulfills the second. Large numbers have availed them- 
selves of both, succeeding to a remarkable degree. Investigate without prejudice this opportunity to 


and escape salaried drudgery for life. If you have an idea that the collection business as I teach it is not as 
safe, sure and dignified as a bank, or any other profitable business, you are mistaken, and I will prove it, if 
you earnestly desire to get ahead. No essential branch of business is so limitless, nor less crowded. No 
business mav be built so large without investment of capital. 1 will gladly send you, for the asking, 

''Pointers on the Collection Business" 

It may mean comfort for life, if not a great deal more. Write for it now. 


W. A. SHRYM, President S24 Stat* St., Detroit, Mloh. 

Digitized by 





History of the Breat American Fortunes 

VMim Hi. 1— Th Great Laid FirtMS $1.50 
Valama Nt. 2— Th GriatRailmd Firtms, $1.50 
Valine Hi. 3— Th Great Railread Fartrou, $1.50 

Mr. Myers has taken off the lid of 
smug plutocracy in this wonderful 
work. He has given the lie to the 
army of subsidized "biographers" and 
newspaper courtiers to the Mighty 
Rich. He shows, with hard facts, for 
the first time in comprehensive style, 
how many of the "mightiest" stole, 
blackmailed, swindled, lied, cheated, 
ravished to pile up their corrupt for- 
tunes. He, of course, shows the truth 
about the unequal system which made 
it possible for a few to own most of 
American wealth. No one is prepared to 
talk intelligently about the American Mil- 
lionaires unless he has read these books. 
Certainly every Socialist should read them. 
If you want to knock the breath out of a 
fellow who knuckles reverently at sound of the 
name of Morgan, because of "success," pass 
him a copy of this true history of the late 
lamented "art-patron" and banker, telling 
how he got "it. ' 

History of the Supreme Coort $2.00 

The work is of great value. Its short his- 
tories of the judges, of the party affiliations 
and business connections are all of utmost 
importance to him who wants to know the 
truth and where to find it." — American Jour- 
nal of Sociology. 

History of Canadian Wealth $1.50 

Shows the rapid concentration of wealth 
whereby less than 50 men have gained con- 
trol of $4,000,000,000, or one-third of Can- 
ada's wealth. "Mr. Myers deserves the 
thanks of Canadian citizens." — The Mail 
and Empire, Toronto. 


For the next two months only we 
will send you these five valuable vol- 
umes and the International Socialist 
Review one year, all for $5.00, Ex- 
pressage Paid. 

Charles H. Kerr & Company, 118 W. Klnzle St., Chicago 

Digitized by 




What is the REAL trouble in Mexico? What do the 
workers want and what does Huerta want? What would 
the Standard Oil Company gain if Mexico was con- 
quered? And why is William Randolph Hearst so 
anxious for war? 

It is a long story, a terrible story. Few American 
wage-workers have the faintest idea of the truth ; if they 
knew they would soon make themselves heard in angry 

Mexican laborers are slaves! Not merely wage slaves like the rest of us, 
— they are CHATTEL slaves. Unless they get out and fight they have just 
about as much liberty, iust about as much pay for their labor, as did the black 
people in Louisiana in 1860. 

Do you want proof of this? You will find it in John Kenneth Turner's Barbarous Mex- 
ico. He describes the horrible slavery on the hemp plantations, the kidnapping of men, 
women and children by slave-hunters, the bloody repression of the least attempt at resist- 
ance, and shows how American capitalists are the Men Higher Up, who for a generation 
used Porfirio Diaz as their slave-driver and are now looking for some new way to keep on the 
backs of the Mexicans. 

Fourth edition just ready, extra cloth binding, blue and gold, with many engravings from 
photographs, $1.50 postpaid. 

Special offer to Review readers. For $1.50 sent at once we will mail you a copy of 
Barbarous Mexico and enter your name for the REVIEW a year. Extra postage to 
Canada 20c ; to other foreign countries 36c. 

Charles H. Kerr & Company, Publishers 

118 West Kinzie Street, Chicago 

Digitized by 


AUGUST, 1914 






Phillips Russell 
Emile Pouget 

Articles by 

William D. Haywood 
Charles Edw. Russell 

Frank Bohn 
Eugene V.jDebs 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

JESUS-"One of Those 
Damned Agitators" 

In his "The Carpenter and the Rich Man".Bouck White proves to the satisfaction of all 
intelligent men and women that Jesus of Nazareth TAUGHT the very things the Churches and 
so-called Christians today CONDEMN in the' nameof Christ. , 

Jesus approved of the acts o( David and his hungry followers when they entered the 
temple and took the blessed shew bread from the sacred altars, to satisfy their want. 

In New York a Catholic Priest declared he would die rather than permit the Unemployed 
to contaminate the * 'sacred" Church by using it to protect them from the winter's cold, although 
they had not where to lay their heads. The Catholic Priest had these starving men arrested 
and sent to prison. 

Jesus said: "I was in prison and ye visited me not," for "inasmuch as ye did it not unto 
one of the LEAST of these my brethren, ye did it not to me." According to Mr. White in his 
"Carpenter and the Rich Man," Tesus looked upon legal and all authorities as ENEMIES of the 
poor. He demanded that his followers and friends visit and support their comrades when im- 
prisoned by the hated authorities. 

That Jesus loved ALL the poor and despised ALL the rich there seems to be no reason- 
able doubt aiter reading this book. Comrade White points out how when a rich man asked per- 
mission to follow Jesus and become one of his band of OUTLAWS, Jesus said to him: "Sell ALL 
you have and GIVE to the POOR and take up your cross and follow me." 

In thus referring to the cross, Mr. White shows how Jesus meant that his companions 
must be ready and willing to give up ALL things, to be prepared to DIE if necessary in their 
crusade for the poor. 

Jesus stood for the poor thief, the propertyless lawbreaker, the oppressed SABOTAGER, 
the HOMELESS and HUNGRY Church defiler (jf we are to accept the definition of defilement 
as laid down by our Priestly parasites today). 

He was the BOLDEST of REBELLIOUS workingmen. All things could be forgiven 
ANY POOR man and the possession of riches in the midst of poverty irretrievably damned the 
owner, according to the Nazarene. 

The outcasts of the world were the beloved of Jesus. Prostitutes, thieves, beggars, work- 
ingmen, ex-convicts were all the friends of Jesus.' For the banker, the great property-owner, the 
usurer, the RICH MAN, he held only the most deep-rooted hatred and scorn. 

Jesus demanded material communism among his comrades, and — above all — revolt against 

Comrade White proves how most of the books of the New Testament were written several 
hundred years after the death of Jesus and bear the imprint more of the aims and minds of the 
AUTHORS than they do of the FIGHTING CARPENTER. 

Read this book by Bouck White and prove to your friends and fellow-workers just what 
ACTUALLY WERE the teachings of the Carpenter Revolutionist. 

The book alone sells for SI. 20 net; SI. 35 postpaid. But if you order within 30 days we will 
mail you the book and the International Socialist Review, one year, all for SI. 50. Extra postage 
to Canada 20c; to other foreign countries 36c. Use the blank below. 


Charles H. Kerr & Company, 

118 West Kinzie Street, Chicago: 

I enclose S1.50 for which please mail a copy of "The Carpenter and the Rich Man," and 
enter my name for the International Socialist Review one year. 

Name Address 

Postoffice ; State 

Note: — If desired, the Review will be sent to another address or we will send a sub- 
scription card to be filled out later. , 

Digitized by 





Essays on the Materialistic 
Conception of History 


HISTORY may be interpreted in sev- 
eral ways. We may say, for example, 
that it was God who freed the black slaves 
of the South. That is the Theological 

Or we may say that Abraham Lincoln 
freed them; that but for him they would 
still be chattels. That is the Great Man 

Or we may say that the American Na- 
tion was founded on the Idea of Liberty, 
and that in the fullness of time this Idea 
> freed the slaves. That is the Metaphys- 
ical theory. 

But Karl Marx and Frederick Engels 
discovered over sixty years ago a theory 
which explains the facts of history far bet- 
ter than any of these — a theory so logical 
and convincing that it has forced accept- 
ance from many enemies of Socialism, 
while it is one of the foundation principles 
of Socialism. Marx and Engels stated 
this theory briefly and constantly applied 
it in their writings from 1848 to the end 
of their lives. 

It remained for another writer, how- 
ever, to explain the theory in full detail 
and show the student how to apply it. 
This has been done by Antonio Labriola 
in his Essays on the Materialistic Con- 
ception of History. 

The book is in two parts. Part I, "In 
Memory of the Communist Manifesto," 
isan explanation of the causes which made 
possible the writing of that greatest of 
historic documents, together with the 
reasons for the slow growth of Socialism 

for the first twenty years after 1848 and 
its rapid and ever more rapid growth 
within the last forty years. 

Part II, "Historical Materialism," is 
the most thorough and accurate interpre- 
tation of the theory itself to be found in 
any language. It requires close study, but 
it also repays close study. Master it, and 
your understanding of history and of the 
events of the day will be wonderfully 
clarified. It is one of the few books in- 
dispensable to every student of Socialism. 

Our latest edition Is very attractively printed and 
bound. Price, $1.gO, postage Included. Address 




Digitized by 




COCIALISM is not merely "Public Ownership" of railroads, 
^ telegraphs, mines and the like. Socialism is the uprising of the 
Working Class against the Capitalist Class. The Workers 
propose to take the control and ownership of industry away from 
the Capitalists; they propose hereafter to keep the wealth they 
produce. Socialism is the one great issue of the future; YOU 
must take sides for it or against it. To decide intelligently which 
side to take, you shoulck read some of the Socialist Books by 
Socialists. These are some of the best ever written: 

1. Revolution, by Jack London. 

2. The Socialists; Who They Are and What They Stand For, by John Spargo. 

3. Shop Talks on Economics, by Mary E. Marcy. 

4. Evolution and Revolution, by Mark Fisher. 

5. The Question Box, by Frank M. Eastwood. 

6. The Strength of the Strong, by Jack London. 

7. The Rights of the Masses, by George D. Brewer. 
$. The Socialist Movement, by Charles H. Vail. 

' 9. The Catholic Church and Socialism, by Father McGrady and Frank Bohn. 

10. Class Struggles in America, by A. M. Simons. 

11. The Right to Be Lazy, by Paul Lafargue. 

12. The Social Evil, by Dr. J. H. Greer. 

13. Unionism and Socialism, by Eugene V. Debs. 

14. Socialism Made Easy, by James Connolly. 

15. Industrial Socialism, by William D. Haywood and Frank Bohn. 

16. The New Socialism, by Robert Rives LaMonte. 

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Vol. XV 




Edited by Charles H. Ken- 

No. 2 

Mary E. Marcy, Robert Rives La Monte, William E. Bonn. 
Leslie H. Marcy, Frank Bonn, William D. Haywood, Phillips Russell 

The Editor is responsible only for views expressed on the editorial page and in unsigned department 
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Our Subjects in the Far South Seas. 

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Editorial: A Lesson from France; After the Ludlow Battle 

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No. 2 


A ^Working-Class Demonstration in Paris 


I WAS curious to see what a big work- 
ing class demonstration in Paris was 
like, so when Victor Dave, white-haired 
veteran of the International, told me, 
soon after my arrival in Paris on May 15 
of this year, of the approaching memorial 

day in honor of the Commune on May 24, 
I made a note of it. 

Sunday, May 24, came clear and sun lit, 
the trees of the great boulevards wearing 
the fresh, glowing green that they do only 
in Paris in the spring. In the afternoon I 


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tried to find my way to Pere Lachaise 
cemetery, where fell the martyrs of the 
Commune, but every 'bus and tram was 
crowded and I was forced to take a round- 
about way, which brought me to the ceme- 
tery late. But I found I was in plenty of 
time. The procession into the cemetery 
had just begun, and as far down the street 
from the gate as the eye could see stretched 
a long, thick, patient line, spotted with 
crimson banners that tossed and flapped in 
the warm breeze. Thirty, perhaps forty, 
thousand there were — all working men and * 
women ; yes, and children, too. 

Motion-picture operators were grinding 
away furiously as the great line moved 
steadily into the gate. A vast throng of the 
idly curious stood silently around, kept 
back by heavy lines of police. There 
seemed to be more police than demon- 
strants. At the entrance to the cemetery 
stood a group of silver-trimmed, heavy- 
paunched police officials, contemplating the 
streaming throng with the cold, watchful 
gaze characteristic of policemen and other 
carnivorous animals when in the presence 
of their prey. 

As I pushed my way toward the ceme- 
tery gate, already I could feel the electric 
tension that is so strong in the atmosphere 
whenever a great crowd of working people 
gather under the surveillance of the uni- 
formed representatives of their masters. 

Going well back toward the end of the 
line, I slipped through the police line and 
joined a group of young people who 
marched behind a red banner showing that 
they were a Circle of Socialist Students of 
the twentieth arrondissement, or precinct. 
As I took my place in line, a clear baritone 
voice far in the rear started up, of course 
in French, the tune of the International : 

" Arise, ye prisoners of starvation, 
Arise, ye wretched of the earth." 

Other voices quickly joined. I could 
hear the song advancing up the line like a 
roaring wave. Soon we were all singing 
it. We could hear it coming from far in 
the center of the cemetery. Ordinarily the 
police do not permit this song to be sung 
in the streets of Paris, but this crowd was 
too big to be interfered with, so the police 
kept quiet, betraying their uneasiness by 
shifting from one foot to the other and 
twirling their long mustachios. 

Soon we were inside the cemetery, the 
thick trees throwing a damp gloom over 
the rows of silent tombs. Up a steep de- 
clivity we pushed, winding round and 
round like a gliding snake. The police 
were everywhere. Not only did they line 
the course solidly, but clusters of them, on 
foot, bicycles and horses, could be seen half 
concealed behind clumps of trees or high 

Every sight of these partly hidden groups 
was greeted with jeers by the crowd and 
by loud shouts of a phrase which puzzled 
me until, finally, I made it out as "Les trois 
ans — hou ! hou ! Les trois ans — hou ! hou !" 
This cry refers to the much-agitated law. 
recently passed, extending the term of 
military service from two to three years. 
This is the most discussed subject in 
France just now and has been the cause of 
many working-class demonstrations. This 
shout is also forbidden in the streets of 
Paris, but in this case the police were help- 
less. One young workingman just in front 
of me, dressed in baggy, green corduroy 
trousers, red sash, yellow shirt and gray 
cap— the French workingman is much 
more picturesque in his attire than our own 
— was especially strident in his cry of "Les 
trois ans," and, judging by the way the 
police looked at him, I am sure they would 
cheerfully have taken him. 

Around me everyone wore a little red 
flower in his buttonhole and copies of 
U humanite, the Socialist organ, and La 
Bataille Syndicaliste, organ of the unions, 
were frequently consulted. 

We now took a turn and started down- 
hill. The crowd suddenly became silent 
and uncovered their heads. Around a wall 
in front of us the police were massed in 
battalions. A section of the wall was 
covered with fresh wreaths. In the center 
was a plain tablet inscribed: "Aux Morts 
de la Commune (To the Slain of the Com- 
mune), 21-28 Mai 1871." 

Here the workingmen and women, who 
took charge of Paris forty-three years ago 
and ran it peacefully and well, were lined 
up, after being driven from barricade to 
barricade, and mowed down by machine 
guns, their bodies piling in heaps against 
the wall. From 20,000 to 30,000 men, 
women and children were shot down in the 
seven days of terror. 

I paused a moment for a look up and 
down the wall, whereupon came the warn- 

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ing voice of a cop : "Avancez-ca, monsieur" 
(Move on, mister). 

So I avancez-ed with the crowd, as si- 
lent now as it previously had been noisy. 
As I walked toward the exit of the ceme- 
tery, I noticed that the grounds around 
the Commune wall, though crowded with 
tombs elsewhere, were unoccupied save by 
grass and weeds. I learned afterward that 
the French respectables do not wish to be 

buried near the Communards. Thus does 
class division extend even beyond the bor- 
der line of life. 

Though there are countless monuments, 
pictures and what-not celebrating every 
other phase of French history, I found no 
memorials to the Commune, save this, in 
Paris. But I learned that the spirit of the 
Commune still lives in the hearts of its 
working people. 


Joe; Hill, song writer and composer of the I. W. W. song book, has been 
convicted of murder and sentenced to be shot September 4, 1914. The convic- 
tion was secured on the flimsiest kind of evidence and an appeal has been taken 
to the Supreme Court. Everyone everywhere should write letters to governor 
Wm. Spry, Salt Lake City, Utah, protesting against this outrageous convic- 
tion, and demand a new trial. If Joe Hill's life is to be saved, it will require 
the united action of the workers at once. 

Digitized by 




ike Carl Person Case 

A BATTLE royal is going on in 
Clinton, 111., between a twentieth 
century David and an up-to-date 
Goliath of the Super-Dreadnought 
type. The David is Carl Person, the 
fighting editor of the Strike Bulletin. The 
all-powerful Goliath is the Illinois Cen- 
tral Railroad Company. 

It makes the red blood leap and bound 
to watch the struggle. It makes the 

heart choke and stop at the thought of 
th« consequences, should the Giant land 
one of his mighty swings. 

Carl Person is a little fellow, the "little 
brother" of 35,000 brawny union shop 
men who, after thirty-four months of 
terrific struggle, are still fighting a win- 
ning fight against the Illinois Central and 
Harriman Lines. Throughout the long 
drawn-out battle Person has been in the 


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fore, discovering the weaknesses of the 
enemy and directing the onslaught on 

"The little fellow/' as he is known and 
called by the strikers, possessed himself 
of a weapon of wonderful effectiveness. 

He girded himself with a shotgun called 
Publicity and pulled the trigger with the 
forefinger of Organization. 

Before him stood the giant. Goliath 
was armed with the big bludgeon of the 
law. On the giant's side were his countless 
high-paid counselors, advising him just how 
to use, or rather misuse, the club. 

And the battle is now at its height. It 
has been going on night and day for more 
than two years. Both sides have landed 
blows — straightforward, stiff from the 
shoulder, fair blows from the little 
blonde David, and the underhand, foul- 
fighting of scheme and cunning by the 

On September 30, 1911, the Illinois 
Central and the Harriman Lines forced 
their 35,000 shop men to choose between 
their right to organize and their jobs. 
Like men, they stuck by their organiza- 
tion. No question of wages, hours or 
working conditions entered into the con- 
troversy. It was simply the highway- 
man's edict of the giant, "Your organiza- 
tion or your job !" 

Person was 24 years old. He laid aside 
his overalls in the shops at Clinton and 
walked out with the men. The men were 
determined to fight, but were without a 
weapon; Person realized the fact and 
determined to provide one. 

With a second-hand typewriter, some 
paper and carbon sheets the thinking 
machinist began to change himself into 
the fighting editor, and thus the Strike 
Bulletin was born. An old mimeograph 
machine, rescued from the junk heap, was 
revived under Person's mechanical in- 
genuity and immediately the circulation 
of the hand-printed Bulletin was increased 
by hundreds. 

It was hard work making both ends 
meet. The machinist-editor wrote, 
printed and mailed the paper in the same 
one room in which he lived and slept. 
Every penny had to be watched to pay 
the postage. With his genius for organ- 
ization, Person began to build up a report - 
qrial staff that would be the envy of any 
metropolitan editor-in-chief. Every one 

of the 35,000 strikers was a reporter, a 
photographer and an agent for the Strike 
Bulletin. It made no difference whether 
a scab-treated box car broke down on the 
main line and tied up traffic for hours or 
whether the president's special went in 
the ditch and killed twenty — the Bulletin 
had it and published it. 

Subscriptions began to come in. Per- 
son was putting the "guts" into the Bul- 
letin. It was being read all over the Illi- 
nois Central and the Harriman Lines 
systems. The number of subscribers 
soon outgrew the facilities of the little 
mimeograph machine. The next step was 
taken when The Strike Bulletin came out 
in printed form. 

With equipment and facilities, The 
Strike Bulletin strengthened and enlarged 
its onslaughts of truth against the inter- 
ests of corporate greed. Each edition 
carried a broadside of forcible facts. Per- 
son was beginning to make the fight of 
the workers felt. He was working up to 
a grand climax. The first big achieve- 
ment came. 

The machinist-editor charged his pub- 
licity shotgun with a shell that carried 
100,000 missiles. It was the "Grave- 
yard Special." 

There was an awful jangle and jingle 
of gold as the giant received the full load, 
square in its vitals, the pocketbook of the 
Illinois Central. 

The graveyard edition carried thirty- 
two pages and contained the most damn- 
ing pictorial indictment that was ever 
hurled against a railroad. A skeptical 
public was not asked to believe the 
printed word of condemnation ; it was 
confronted with the photographic proof. 
The pictures showed the great toll of life 
that the public was paying on account of 
the stand taken by the roads toward the 
organized workers. Nobody could ever 
look through the "Graveyard Special" 
and then turn into a peaceful night's 
sleep in a berth on the Illinois Central. 

The pictures showed the wrecks due 
to the scab care of the road's equipment 
and rolling stock. Because the I. C. had 
no skilled workers in the machine shops, 
it was unable to keep its engines and cars 
in repair. The pictures showed the re- 

The photographs vivified the stories of 
the burning piles of wreckage, of the re- 

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lief trains, of the dead and wounded, of 
the ambulances waiting at the station, of 
the coffins piled high on the platforms, of 
the cries and moans of the injured; 
showed the mangled bodies, the scalded 
children — the horrors upon horrors that 
follow in the path of the blind capitalist 

That well aimed blow cost the Illinois 
Central millions of dollars. Copies of the 
"Graveyard Special" were circulated all 
over the country. Travelers and shippers 
were shown that a ticket over the Illinois 
Central was almost the same as a contract 
with the undertaker. 

Down in Wall street the ticker began 
to act. I. C. stock, then up at 160, took 
a cold plunge to 110. It has never re- 
vived. It is down to 103 now and indica- 
tions are that it will make still deeper 

With a "cruel" suddenness, the annual 
dividends dropped like a flat cake. From 
seven per cent, they fell to five. That 
was a decrease of almost 33 per cent in 
the income of the road. A howl went up 
from the petty capitalist. Meetings were 
held by the minority stockholders. Some- 
thing had to be done. Who was it that 
was doing this thing? 

The giant didn't have far to look, be- 
cause just at about that time he received 
another broadside. Person let the -world 
know that the coal mines of southern 
Illinois and Kentucky were closing down 
and that a coal famine was in sight, due 
to the fact that the road, with its empty 
machine shops, was unable to repair 
enough cars to supply the mines. Thou- 
sands of miners were thrown out of work. 
The merchants in the little mining towns 
were beginning to look bankruptcy in the 
face, because the miners and their fam- 
ilies, while staring starvation in the face, 
were unable to turn over their meager 
pay envelopes to the merchants and the 

Gunmen were sent out to start some- 
thing. Counselors were told to find a 
way to get David out of the way. 

One night on the streets of Decatur, 
111., Person was waylaid by unknown as- 
sailants, who jumped on the "little fel- 
low" from behind and beat him into in- 
sensibility. He was left bleeding on the 
sidewalk for dead. When he recovered 
consciousness, Person had his wounds 

bound up and returned to Clinton. 
Bandaged and plastered, he was at his 
desk two days later and the Bulletin came 
out on time. 

This time Person had something to say 
about the tactics that were being used 
by the Illinois Central through detectives 
and labor agencies to shanghai ignorant 
laborers into the strike zone, without let- 
ting them know about the labor trouble. 
The road was forced to increase its guards 
of thugs around the bull pens at the 
shops. Strike breakers and scabs began 
to desert. 

Illinois Central detectives and United 
States marshals swooped down on Clin- 
ton and raided the office of The Strike 
Bulletin. They rifled the files and desks, 
went through the letter presses, hand- 
cuffed Person, locked up the office, barred 
it, and took the editor to Springfield, .111., 
the capital of the state. 

There the young David was arraigned 
before United States Judge Humphreys 
on a federal indictment, charging him 
with using the mails to circulate matter 
"reflecting injuriously on the conduct of 
the Illinois Central." Think of such a 
heinous crime. The seven counts in the 
indictment carry a maximum penalty of 
thirty-five years in a federal prison and 
$35,000 fine which, in case of non-pay- 
ment, amounts to several thousand years 
more. The I. C. giant was smiling now. 

But the giant had overlooked that big 
army of 35,000 men who had not forgot- 
ten the work of their "little brother." 
Bonds were raised and the editor's re- 
lease was forced on bail. Back to Clinton 
as fast as train could carry him — back to 
his desk in The Bulletin office — back to 
the battle with the giant — back he came, 
stronger and more determined than ever. 

Bang! went the publicity shotgun, and 
the I. C. received another withering vol- 
ley. The farmers were rising in arms 
because the I. C, unable to supply cars 
according to its legal duty, was costing 
the agriculturists thousands of dollars, 
because crops could not be moved. The 
coal mine operators were beginning to 
sue for hundreds of thousands of dollars 
damages. The scabs were beginning to 
desert by hundreds. Passenger and 
freight traffic was being diverted to other 

On December 30th, last year, the tele- 

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This is the Illinois Central Southern Express. That the company is in a disorganized con- 
dition can be readily understood. This wreck occurred at Ospur, 111., just a few minutes 
after the train had passed over the Salt Creek valley. If the equipment which broke and de- 
railed the train had given away while it was passing over the Salt Creek Valley, the entire 
train would have fallen into the valley some seventy-five feet below the tracks, and all the pas- 
sengers undoubtedly would have been killed. However, the wreck did not occur until the 
train had passed over the valley, and so no one was killed, but about 12 were injured, some of 
them seriously. The scabs employed on the Illinois Central .have put the equipment in a dan- 
gerous condition. — From the Graveyard Special. 


The above is a picture of Illinois Central train No. 101 in the ditch at Central City, Ky. 
Note the position of the big engine and the passenger coaches. The engineer and fireman, as 
well as many of the passengers, were injured in this wreck. The Illinois Central attributed 
this wreck to a spike placed on the rails by boys playing about the railroad. This indicates, 
however, that safety cannot be depended upon on the Illinois Central, when a mere railroad 
spike is sufficient to throw a train down an embankment into such a position. 

— From the Graveyard Special. 


This is one of the de luxe trains between Chicago and St. Louis, Mo. The Illinois Cen- 
tral advertises this train as the best on the pike, but as yet the company has overlooked the 
important matter of advertising the Daylight Special in the condition that it is frequently 
found along the barb wire fences on its journey between the cities of Chicago and St. Louis. 
That there were not manv deaths in this wreck is attributed by railroad men to the fact that 
the cars were of steel. Many of the passengers were injured. When you travel between Chi- 
cago and St. Louis, remember that the C. & E. I., Wabash, C. & A. and Rock Island make 
this route, and they run their trains on the rails, and not into the ditches where you see the 
Illinois Central Daylight Special. — From the Graveyard Special. 

Digitized by 




phone in The Strike Bulletin office rang 
and Person answered it. A voice on the 
wire said: "This is Kirk. Run over to 
the Interurban Station. I've got a hot 
story about the I. C." Kirk was an I. C. 
striker who had left the road at Memphis, 
and who was working in the Wabash 
shops at Decatur. Person put on his coat 
and started for the interurban station. 

The man who telephoned was Tony 
Musser, a former chief of police of Clin- 
ton who had graduated in the school of 
crime and brutality until he had reached 
the degree of fitness necessary for him 
to hold the position of chief strike breaker 
for the Illinois Central. Musser, "the 
giant Portugee," he was known and 
feared. He ruled with a rod of iron in 
the scab bull pen. His reputation as a 
wife beater, a brow-beating alcoholic, a 
ruthless bully, is written on the court 
records in Clinton. 

Musser stood 6 feet 2 inches in heighth 
and weighed more than 200 pounds. He 
was every inch a human bulldog. The 
editor he lured out of the office by the 
decoy message stands 5 feet 6 inches in 
heighth and weighed 129 pounds. 

After sending in the decoy message, 
Musser left his coat in the saloon from 
which he telephoned and walked to a 
cigar store across the alley from the Inter- 
urban station. Musser did not know Per- 
son. Person did not know Musser. That 
made it necessary for the Illinois Central 
gunman to have his victim pointed out. 

"Do you know that editor, Blondy Per- 
son, when you see him?" Musser asked 
the cigar store clerk. 

"Yes," said the clerk. 

"He'll be by here in a few minutes," 
said Musser. "I want you to point him 
out to me." 

"There he is now," said the clerk, 
pointing through the window to Person, 
who was standing in front of the station, 
looking around in vain for the supposed 

Musser eyed his victim. Then he 
stepped out of the door of the cigar store 
and stood in the shadow of the projecting 
ledge, waiting for Person to pass. The lit- 
tle fellow walked by a minute later. The 
thug crouched in the shadow. As the 
editor passed, Musser with upraised fist 
launched his huge frame through the air. 
The fist landed on Person's temple. The 

little fellow dropped to the ground as 
though he had been felled with a sledge. 

Musser was on top of him in an instant. 
The giant's left hand clutched the boy's 
throat. The mighty right fist rained 
blow after blow in the senseless youth's 
upturned face. Throttling his victim, 
Musser banged Person's head against the 
cement pavement. It was an unmerciful 

Women screamed and ' strong men 
turned away. "Take that big fellow off. 
He'll kill the boy!" screamed a woman. 
Men took courage and rushed to the 
rescue. Person's life hung in the balance. 
Musser was grasped by the shoulders and 
pulled upward. As he came up, he 
brought with him the limp body of the 
boy that he held by the throat. Men 
grappled with the giant and finally suc- 
ceeded in breaking the deathlike grip on 
Person's throat. 

The little fellow was bleeding from a 
dozen wounds. Blood from gashes in his 
head streamed down his face and blinded 
his swollen eyes. The scalp was torn 
from the skull in several places. Person 
staggered as he came to his feet and was 
freed from the grasp of Musser. 

He shook his head to throw the blood- 
matted blonde hair out of his eyes. He 
looked up. Musser had broken from 
•those who held him and, with a horrible 
oath on his lips, was springing forward 
to renew the attack. Person saw the in- 
furiated face of the gunman. He saw the 
blood lust in the eyes. 

A rattle of shots rang out and Musser 
stopped in the middle of his spring. The 
thug had done his last work. He died a 
few minutes later. 

Musser's body was taken out of Clinton 
in a private car on the Illinois Central. 
Carl Person, battered and weak from loss 
of blood, was dragged from the scene of 
the encounter to jail. He was thrown 
into a cell. He asked for his friends. 
None were admitted. He asked that a 
photographer be brought into to photo- 
graph his condition. It was denied. He 
insisted that as a defendant he had a right 
to preserve evidence of his condition to 
use in his defense. He was laughed at. 

Attorney Frank Comerford of Chicago 
reached Clinton eight hours after the 
shooting. When he made new insistence 
that the photograph be taken, he was told 

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Gunman Who Tried to Kill Carl Person. 

that it was "against the rules." After 
doctors had sewed up the editor's wounds, 
after the swelling, the discolorations, and 
the bruises and cuts had been healed, si* 
weeks afterward, when every trace of the 
murderous assault had been removed, 
then the photograph was taken. It was 
not "against the rules" then. 

In the meantime, the giant was busy 
swinging his club. Through the news- 
papers he controlled he caused editorials 
to be written, insisting that Person 
should be hung. The papers said that 
Person was not an American citizen. The 
editor was called an anarchist, a labor 
agitator, a trouble maker. This was the 
sentiment and prejudice that the giant 
built up in Clinton in his effort to rail- 
road Person to the gallows. 

On the day of the shooting it was nec- 
essary to close the saloons in Clinton to 
prevent a lynching. While that would 
have well answered the giant's purpose, 
it would have caused too much talk. The 
coroner's inquest was held. Only five 
witnesses were examined. The remainder 
were suppressed. The defense was left 
in the dark. The coroner's jury returned 

a verdict in which two things were found. 
First, that Tony Musser was dead, and 
second, that Carl Person had killed him. 
Both findings were admitted by the de- 
fense. Yet the recommendation was that 
Person be held without bail on a charge 
of murder to await the action of the 
grand jury. 

State's Attorney Williams, the Demo- 
cratic, prohibitionist, purist-weakling of 
DeVVitt county, presented the case 
before the grand jury. Williams, dur- 
ing his campaign for reelection, had of- 
fered Person an office on the ticket with 
him, if Person would prevent a Socialist 
ticket from being put in the field in Clin- 
ton and would swing the vote of the 
strikers. Person had answered by throw- 
ing the columns of the Bulletin open to 
the workers and piling up the largest 
Socialist vote ever polled in the county. 

The indictment charging murder in the 
first degree was returned. The names 
of 34 witnesses that appeared before the 
grand jury and testified in the case were 
suppressed from the indictment. This 
was another attempt to keep the defense 
in the dark — to lead Person blindfolded 
tc the gallows, in absolute violation of 
the accepted rules of court procedure. 

Person remained in jail five months. 
But not a week went by that the Strike 
Bulletin didn't come out. In his cell the 
editor continued his writing. The pub- 
licity shot gun was kept oiled up and in 
working order and the giant found that 
David was still in the field. 
• Attorney Comerford tried every means 
possible in the country courts to get Per- 
son admitted to bail. Then he sprung a 
surprise on the I. C. He sued out a writ 
of habeas corpus in Chicago and sub- 
poenaed all of the Illinois Central wit- 
nesses. This was an unexpected blow 
to the giant, for it provided the defense 
with all of the Illinois Central testimony, 
was the means of convincing the public 
of the attempt that is being made to ju- 
dicially murder an innocent man, and in 
the end brought about Person's release 
on $12,000 bonds. 

Back at his desk again, Person has re- 
newed his attacks on the Illinois Central 
stronger than ever. Mail matter of all 
forms is pouring out of the Bulletin office 
every day. The strike of the 35,000 shop 
men is being advertised all over the coun- 

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try. The greed of the Illinois Central 
and the Harriman Lines is being written 
in box car letters in the minds of the 
workers far and wide. 

DeWitt county has been canvassed — 
every one of the 500 square miles of it — 
by notaries public for the defense, and 
512 affidavits secured to show that preju- 
dice is so great against Person that it 
would be impossible for him to get a fair 
trial in a county where the control of the 
Illinois Central is all powerful. In Clin- 
ton, it is shown that from the mayor 
down, all of the officials either work for 
the Illinois Central or have business re- 
lations with the road. 

The state's attorney has secured 476 
affidavits to the effect that no prejudice 
exists. He is fighting the change of 
venue. He is trying to force Person to 

trial in DeWitt county, where prejudice 
wants to hang him. At the present time 
there is only one surviving judge in the 
district, and he has now continued for the 
third time, the hearing on the change of 
venue motion. What will his decision be? 
In the meantime the Railway Employes 
Department of the American Federation 
of Labor and the Person Defense League 
of Chicago have launched nation-wide 
campaigns to gather funds for Person's 
defense. Donations to these funds are 
being received in Chicago by William 
Mclnerney, treasurer of the Person De- 
fense League, with offices in room 606, 
at 166 West Washington street, and by 
John Scott, treasurer of the Railway 
Employes' Department of the American 
Federation of Labor, at 301 Sawyer build- 
ing, St. Louis, Mo. 

In the long hours of the night, here in the silence of the jail, I hear the tread 
of the marchers in the sorrowing army of the unemployed. The sound is like 
distant funerai music. Its theme is suffering — the suffering of Man. It makes 
the heart sick. I wonder and wonder the why of it all. 

The newspapers record only part of the ghastly tragedies of the social 
drama — Poverty. Yet enough is printed to make one stagger in the presence of 
the horrors pictured. 

Today we are told that one hundred and fifty thousand men in Illinois are 
roaming the streets seeking a chance to honestly earn their bread. They are 
weary, and cold, and hungry, and homeless. We know the story of their crying 
souls. We are one with them. We have known the wandering search for work. 
Fear of enforced idleness is indelibly written in the memory of the toiler. He 
knows the toll exacted — the toll in pain. 

If this is a gray study of the facts, in what sadder color can we picture the 
sufferings of the women and children who share and bear the burdens of poverty? 
Child life is being crushed and destroyed. Song is banished from the home. In 
the gaslighted sweatshops the music of dollar-making goes merrily on. Social 
joy-riders move through the night entirely unmindful of the cost of their gaiety. 
Maybe this is as it should be, and maybe it is not. 

Necessity compels a protest. The victims organize in self-defense. The 
organization is called a Labor Union. Its purpose is to free men from poverty — 
a freedom necessary to a free manhood. The effort is met with the organized 
assault of the beneficiaries of greed — the thoughtless, selfish seekers for gold. 

A bell strikes in the neighboring church tower. Its tuneful message floats 
through the jail. It says that all is well, and the words of the Nazarene still live 
on. Yet, in the shadow of the church children are crying, women are sighing 
and life is dying. 

The march of the dollarless, living dead, goes on. Even I, locked in a cell, 
am better off than the marchers. 

Carl E. Person. 
County Jail, Clinton, Illinois. 

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The Japanese Geisha Girls 

THE Japan of today is a snug home 
of modern capitalism. There is 
plenty of cheap labor and the popu- 
lation is increasing by about five or 
six hundred thousand every year. .There 
are no factory or labor laws in the land that 
might protect the workers. Even a mere 
child, five or six years of age, can be put 
to work in a factory. They work in two 
shifts of ll l /2 to 12 hours each, thus com- 
pelling girls to work in the spinning fac- 
tories at night. 

Girls in Japan are not only worked like 
mules in the mills, but are subjected to the 
most disgraceful life, I mean the brothel. 
There are approximately 200,000 legal pros- 
titutes in Japan proper. Besides these 
there is probably the same number of 
geisha girls, who sing and dance in the 
restaurants. They are a sort of higher 

type of prostitute who serve the rich, en- 
tering their families as professional enter- 
tainers of guests. The only difference 
between the legal prostitute and the geisha 
girl is that the latter has freedom and in- 
dependence in her way of living. How- 
ever, a large number of them are owned 
by slave-holders, who buy and sell them 
only in the manner of gentlemen's dealings. 
In each case it is done mostly after getting 
her consent and choice. While in the case 
of the former, it is entirely different. Every 
prostitute must be legally certified and she 
must be kept in a fixed quarter. She can- 
not get out without permission or a re- 
sponsible guide from the quarter. Usually 
the quarter where these poor slaves are 
kept is surrounded by a wall and the gates 
are watched by the police. Moreover, le- 
gally instituted brothels are permitted to 


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1 ■; • J^B* V a ^0"k\^^_^^^ 

^ if 

^^^^ ^^^^B ^Bs 

L ■ ^ 



open up show windows where the girls 
stand in rows, human beings for sale. 

For instance, Yoshiwara, that is the 
quarter of Tokyo, has been the infamous 
legal institution of prostitutes for centuries. 
There are several thousand slave girls in 
Yoshiwara who are kept like birds in 
cages. The public does not wonder at the 
institution as such, although many youths 
are corrupted on account of it. Yoshiwara 
is the biggest of the brothels in Japan and 
some of the finest buildings are there and 
an enormous amount of capital is invested 
by the rich and equally big profits are real- 
ized. In this respect Japan is no exception 
to the rule expounded by Bernard Shaw in 
his "Mrs. Warren's Profession." Only in 
Japan prostitution is more open and ex- 
ploited than anywhere else. According to 
bourgeois morality it is virtuous for a girl 
to become a prostitute for the sake of her 
parents. When a new, nice-looking girl is 
bought and brought to the place, it is adver- 
tised in the best dailies that she became a 
public woman to help out the troubles of 
the poor mother or some such story that 
might get sympathy from the public. 
Quite a number of brothel keepers hunt out 
good-looking girls in some out-of-the-way 
country villages and make contracts with 
the parents of the girls, usually for three 
years. But once dragged into this life, 
there is hardly a chance of escape and they 
end their lives in misery and despair. 

The brothel keepers at Yoshiwara adver- 
tise girls not only in newspapers, but also 
through some direct and striking means. 
The accompanying pictures are the adver- 
tisements gotten up this year, when the 
cherry trees were in bloom. The best 
looking prostitutes from the three princi- 
pal brothels are attired in their prettiest 
dresses. Each puts on high crogs, some 
over a foot high, and go around the streets 
in a procession, as is shown in the pictures. 
The attire of each prostitute some times 
costs as much as several thousand yen. 
The show continues for a month or so on 
every day in fine weather. The onlookers 
crowd there each day and they are not only 
men, but also women and young girls of 
all classes, and the parade is talked of and 
advertised all over the country. This pro- 
cession has now been going on for weeks 
and card stores are adorned with pictures 
of it. 

Such is the state of things in Japan. The 
rich are financially interested in the legal 
institution of prostitution and the govern- 
ment gets taxes from the business. Every 
charity organization gets a rich contribu- 
tion from the brothels, as do also the reli- 
gious bodies. Even the Salvation Army, 
that was imported from England, is well 
Japanized by this time and is advocating 
only the reform of prostitutes and their 
manner of living. Thus the time honored 
institution of prostitution, unhindered, 

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serves as a means of money making for 
llie rich. It is true that keeping a brothel 
is not an honorable profession in Japanese 
society, generally speaking, but it is an in- 
stitution that is well supported by the 
people, especially by the rich capitalists. 

Some two years ago the Yoshiwara was 
entirely destroyed by fire, leaving the pros- 
titutes homeless. But soon bigger and bet- 
ter buildings were put up and the business 
is again flourishing. 

Such is the ethics and customs of Japan, 
cind held up as sound by the bourgeois pub- 
lic. No one questions its injustice and 
immorality. Only a few years ago it was 
legally established at the court that one 
cannot compel a girl to serve a creditor in 
person — that is, the brothel keeper cannot 
keep her against her will and compel her 
to lead a life of shame, and any prostitute 
can leave this disgraceful life at her own 
choice. There were some who really left 
the business by the help of the Salvation 
Army, but it was only temporarily. Now, 
again, the prostitutes are kept like slaves 
and there is no means of escape from the 
evil life. 

We have no statistics about prostitutes, 
showing how long they live, etc., but they 
are better taken care of by their masters 
or owners. They have medical examina- 
tion often and are treated in a special hos- 
pital; so perhaps they are far better off 
than the spinning girls. 

A few years ago the government investi- 
gated seven provinces which supply most 
of the spinning girls. In one year these 
seven provinces sent out 16,789 girls. Of 
these, 7,320 girls returned to their homes. 
Out of these, 938 girls went home on ac- 


count of illness, 109 girls took sick after 
returning home, and 279 girls died after 
they returned, making a total of 1,326 girls. 
About a half of these are consumptives. 
One province, Niigata, sent 6,000 girls, and 
within three years about one-half of them 
returned to their homes on account of sick- 

Thus our poor girls are terribly exploited 
and, as I said above, there are no pro- 
tective laws for women and children. This 
is the direct result of the Japanese bour- 
geois civilization and it must be destroyed 
at any cost. 

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Current Styles in Governmental Bunk 

WHEN the Interstate Commerce 
Cominission was investigating 
the financial wreck of the New 
Haven Railroad it found that in 
eight years the capitalization of that road 
was increased 1500 per cent and that a 
very large part of the increase was not rep- 
resented by improvements of any kind, but 
was merely the graft or "benefits" pulled 
off for the insiders that had control of the 
property. Nevertheless the increased capi- 
talization was a burden on the road, the 
operations of which must be taxed to pay 
the resulting dividends and interest 

That meant that the charges must be 
passed along for the public to pay, and that 
meant that all of them must in the end 
come out of the toiler. 

About $125,000,000 of such "benefits" 
in the shape of these issues of interest- 
bearing securities were traced to the fortu- 
nate insiders, and suits were subsequently 

begun to try to recover these amounts. But 
in any case the securities remain a charge 
upon the property that the public must pay 
and in the end this charge must fall upon 
the back of the producer. 

One of these operations may serve as a 
sample of all. There was a piece of trolley 
road, more or less junk, that bore the re- 
sounding name of the New York, West- 
chester & Boston. Its stock, we now learn, 
on high authority, was worth "10 cents a 
pound," but its purchase would afford a 
good opportunity to issue more securities 
for the benefit of the gentlemen on the in- 
side, and others, and also to make further 
deals. So this junk railroad was hitched 
up with other "properties," some real and 
some imaginary, having a total outside 
worth for everything of not more than $4,- 
722,348, and for the lot price of $11,550,- 
000 was fixed up and paid through Mor- 
gan & Co. to Oakleigh Thorne, a very 
prominent banker of New York. The ex- 


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aminers of the Interstate Commerce Com- 
mission subsequently found that the fol- 
lowing was the distribution made of the 
money involved in this extraordinary pur- 
chase : 

To C. H. Smith for "surrendering 

a contract" •. $1,050,000.00 

To J. P. McDonald, for negotiating 

the same 375,000.00 

To Thome and Perry in commis- 
sions 784,560.00 

To Thorne and Perry for surren- 
dering their contract 275,000.00 

Unaccounted for because of burn- 
ing of Thome's books 1,032,000.00 

For Portchester stock (face value 

$156,000) 970,000.00 

To W. C. Gotschall for "maps and 

plans" 116,000.00 

To lawyers for "legal fees" 260,000.00 

To N. Y. R. R. and Development 

Company for stock 750,000.00 

For New York City and Contract 

Company, property 4,722,347.15 

Underwriting, brokers' commis- 
sions and miscellaneous not 

specifically accounted for 816,093.15 

In turning over the accounts of these 
transactions the examiners found entries of 
enormous sums paid to lawyers of promi- 
nence, including a justice of the Supreme 
Court and his firm, a congressman ($65,- 
900), two justices of the Supreme court of 
New York and others. 

Afterward President Mellen of the New 
Haven on the witness stand before the 
commission was asked about this transac- 
tion and recalled that it was necessary to 
amend the franchise of one of the compa- 
nies involved before the deal could go 
through, and he said that to get this change 
made it was necessary to deal liberally with 
the city politicians. The late Thomas 
Byrnes, formerly superintendent of New 
York's police, Mellen said, acted as inter- 
mediary in the transaction of acquiring 
24,000 shares of a certain stock, "held by 
persons of influence." Mr. Mellen said: 

"When Byrnes came to me, he was all ready 
to turn over the stock. But I considered the 
franchises of the Westchester Company de- 
fective in many particulars. I told him there 
could be nothing doing until the franchises 
were amended. I gave him a list of the amend- 
ments I wanted and also insisted that certain 
litigation be cleared up. All of my demands 
were promptly m«t." 

Mellen said that the New York City officials 
— he thought the Board of Estimate or the 
Board of Aldermen — amended the franchises. 
He could not tell how the deal was put through 
or whether Police Inspector Byrnes did busi- 
ness direct with the politicians. 

"I didn't want to know," he said. "All I 
was after was results for the New Haven 
road, and I would have done business with the 
devil himself had it been necessary." 

And again: 

"I am satisfied this stock was originally is- 
sued to contractors and they placed it where 
it would do the most good." 
|| You mean they used it to bribe politicians?" 
"Well, I mean they used it to get influence. 
Of course, I don't know all about it. We 
found the shares of the road scattered. One 
big block was in Byrnes' hands. We had to 
have it, and I did business with Byrnes." 
"What was the Westchester stock worth?" 
"I would say about 10 cents a pound." 
"Yet you exchanged good New Haven stock 
or money for it?" 
"I did." 

So here is where go some of the profits 
from the increased cost of living. The 
farmers do not get it and the workers do 
not get it, but the parasites are taking it in 
hand over fist. And if the job were done 
when they get the money, there would be 
some limit to the essential graft. But the 
fact is that in nearly every case these trans- 
actions represent or culminate in the issu- 
ing of securities that constitute forever 
afterward a tax upon the operation of the 
railroad, to be paid by the public and passed 
along to the toiler. 

Yet this New Haven Railroad, thus re- 
vealed as a producer of wealth for the in- 
siders, is notorious for the low scale of 
wages it pays to its employers and in the 
last few years has borne an unenviable 
reputation for the number of its accidents. 
. But the New Haven is only one small 
example of where It Goes To. The cases 
of the 'Frisco, the Rock Island, the Cincin- 
nati, Hamilton & Dayton and other roads 
offer illustrations just as gross. While the 
trainmen with equal chances of being in- 
jured and one chance in six of being killed 
are creating this wealth for very little pay, 
the gentlemen on the inside are raking it 
off for themselves in always increasing vol- 
ume. Where they are not concealing be- 
hind huge stock issues and crooked deals 
like that in New York, Westchester & Bos- 
ton, they are taking staggering dividends. 
Look for instance at this table of the re- 
cent dividends paid by the Delaware, Lack- 
awanna & Western Railroad, as given by 
Poor's Manual, the standard authority in 
railroad finance: 

1902 7 per cent 

1903 . 7 per cent 

1904 17 per cent 

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1905 20 per cent 

1906 20 per cent 

1907 20 per cent 

1908 20 per cent 

1909 85 per cent 

1910 20 per cent 

1911 55 per cent 

1912 20 per cent 

In addition to millions of dollars dis- 
tributed in the shape of stock dividends. 

So it is pretty plain here where It Goes 
To. The fanner doesn't Get It, and the 
worker doesn't Get It, but the case is very 
different when you turn to the records of 
the fortunate gentlemen on the inside of 
these industries. 

Those that have not told us that tariff 
tinkering would cure all our ills, and those 
that have not expatiated to us on the beau- 
ties of thrift and "getting on in the world," 
have been kind enough to say that Govern- 
ment Regulation of our trouble would make 
us all happy and cause papa's wages to go 
twice as far as they can go now. 

These would seem to be persons of a 
degree of hopefulness only to be described 
as superhuman. 

For twenty-five years we have been try- 
ing by regulation to achieve some beneficial 
change in the situation, and the net result 
of all the nation's effort in these directions 
has been ridiculous failure. The simple 
fact that in these twenty-five years the sit- 
uation for the working class has not im- 
proved but only grown steadily worse is 
in itself enough to condemn all these efforts 
at parlor and lady-like reform, for in all this 
time the cost of living has not ceased to 
mount upon the workers, nor has there been 
at any time a corresponding increase in 
wages. But the truth is that while the work- 
ers constitute the great majority of the 
population nobody has considered them in 
all this legislation, nor, as I shall show a 
little later, has it been possible for the 
workers to secure the slightest real atten- 
tion to their desires, even when what they 
want is a matter of plain and simple jus- 
tice and of the utmost importance to the 
welfare of the nation. 

But to come back to the failure of regu- 
lation, and to look at it merely from the 
point of view of the classes it was intended 
to benefit, take railroad regulations, for in- 
stance. We began that in 1886, and for 
the last twelve years every congress has 

regularly testified to the failure of the rail- 
road laws by passing a new set designed to 
correct the weakness of the laws in exist- 
ence, and each new law has been found on 
trial to be as flabbv and inefficient as the 

A very good example of this kind of 
legislative torn- foolery may be found in the 
long-drawn out efforts to stop the species of 
railroad swindling that consists in the giv- 
ing of rebates to favored shippers. Every 
one of our railroad regulative measures has 
aimed to stop rebating and on its passage 
each of these laws has been hailed as at 
last the sure and effective remedy. The 
Elkins law of 1903 was certain to stop re- 
bates, the Roosevelt law of 1906 made them 
utterly impossible and the Taft law of 1910 
abolished the last chance that any railroad, 
however dishonest, could ever slip by with 
a rebate to anybody. The result being that 
today there is probably in bulk as much 
rebating as there ever was, the only change 
being that it is more cleverly concealed and 
that whereas in former days small shippers 
had some chance at these favors, today they 
are confined exclusively to the big establish- 
ments, which thereby secure still another 
advantage over their smaller competitors. 

Many good souls but easily deceived will 
probably be shocked at my statement that 
there is in bulk as much rebating as ever 
and some may think it merely an extrava- 
gance. I purpose in this article to make no 
assertion without the authority therefor, 
and in this instance the deduction I have 
drawn is based upon an authority no less 
than the Interstate Commerce Commission. 
In a decision handed down January 27, 
1914, the commission unreservedly de- 
nounced the practice of rebating as wide- 
spread, unlawful and operating to the dis- 
advantage of smaller manufacturing con- 
cerns throughout the United States. These 
rebates, the commission found, were often 
disguised as elimination of demurrage on 
"industrial lines" owned by the manufac- 
turing plants and claiming to be common 
carriers, the admission of such industrial 
lines to the benefits of the so-called "per 
diem arrangements," and in other ingen- 
ious ways ; but they were none the less re- ' 
bates and unlawful. The decision then pro- 
ceeded to give an astounding list of the re- 
bates it had discovered, and, of course, 
where it succeeded in digging up one in- 
stance there are probably one hundred that 

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it did not unearth. Some of the largest 
railroad companies and most important 
manufacturing enterprises in the country, 
conducted by eminent gentlemen whose de- 
votion to law and order is vociferous when- 
ever there is a strike, were proved by the 
commission to be habitual violators of the 
statutes against rebating. 

Thus the "National Tube Company, one 
of the subsidiaries of the United States 
Steel Corporation, the decision says, "has 
forced the line carriers to concede divisions 
to it out of their rates, which during 1911 
are shown to have been $425,000. This ex- 
ceeded the entire operating expense of the 
plant railway for that year." 

A long list of industrial companies, 
among them the Republic, Pittsburgh, 
Bethlehem, and Cambria steel companies; 
the Youngstown Sheet and Tube Company, 
and the Wheeling Steel and Iron Company, 
are named as having received such prefer- 
ences and discriminations. 

The commission found that during the 
fiscal year 1912 the Pennsylvania Railroad 
had paid $1,019,910, the New York Central 
$660,057, and the Baltimore & Ohio $530,- 
317 in allowances to industrial railways. 
Five industrial lines received more than 
$1,000,000 in per diem reclaims." 

"In many cases," says this memorable 
decision, "the cash revenues received by 
these plant railways out of the rates of the 
line carriers are sufficient to lift from the 
industries the entire cost of their opera- 
tion." It says that in many instances the 
plant railway also is able "to declare large 
dividends on its stock held by the indus- 
try." The Baltimore and Sparrows Point 
Railroad Company, the plant railroad of 
the Maryland Steel Company, paid annual 
dividends on such stock during the last 
eleven years that "aggregated more than 
423 per cent, and have ranged from 20 to 
55 per cent a year." 

Fifteen million dollars a year, according 
to this decision, is a conservative estimate 
of the rebates thus concealed — years after 
all these laws have made all forms of re- 
bating absolutely illegal and prohibited 
them under heavy penalties. And all these 
investigations of the commission, it must be 
borne in mind, take no account of the 
enormous rebates that are concealed in 
other ways. 

The decision further points out that al- 
lowances paid to and free services per- 

formed for large industrial plants relieve 
them of a heavy expense they would other- 
wise have to bear as part of their manufac- 
turing costs. On the Pennsylvania lines east 
of Pittsburgh alone there are 233 such 
plants where the railroad performs services 

Such allowances, the decision says, "are 
an example of the special concessions and 
rebates in service that shippers with a large 
traffic are able to wring from the carriers 
in consideration of being permitted to han- 
dle the traffic or share with other lines in 
its carriage." 

Or to take another handy and ever pres- 
ent illustration, observe the prodigious ef- 
forts of the government to deal with the 
mighty trust problem and what a hash it 
has admittedly made of the job. 

Twenty-four years have passed since the 
blessed Sherman anti-trust law was passed 
and cackling reformers said we had come 
to the end of our trust troubles. Today 
there are easily ten times as many trusts 
in the United States as when the law was 
passed and they are a hundred times more 
powerful and arrogant. The law so far as 
these powerful combinations of capital are 
concerned, has been merely a joke or worse. 

Whenever a trust has been prosecuted 
under this law, even when a trust has been 
ordered by the Supreme Court of the Unit- 
ed States' to be "dissolved" it has merely 
advanced to greater profits and greater 
power. Three years after the Standard 
Oil trust had been "dissolved" under the 
Sherman act, the value of its securities had 
exactly doubled and its prosperity was the 
greatest in its history. The American To- 
bacco Company seems to have received 
similar advantages from its "dissolution" 
by the same august body. Proceedings 
have been pending for years against the 
United States Steel Corporation and other 
great trusts, but even when these have been 
investigated and specifically denounced by 
committees of Congress the cases against 
them have never gotten anywhere. There 
is a punishment of penal servitude pro- 
vided by this law, but? not a trust magnate 
has ever gone to prison under it. In spite 
of the fact that the supplies of every great 
necessity of life in this country are now 
controlled by a trust. 

Very different, it will be recalled, has 
been the experience of labor unions and 
labor leaders under the same law. It was 

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never designed by the men that drew it, 
to be applied to labor unions. It has been 
enforced against them vigorously on more 
than one occasion. It was designed against 
combinations of capital and against such 
combinations it has been a dead letter. 

Men are now under sentence of impris- 
onment in New Jersey for agitating against 
one of these trusts at a time of a strike; 
the gentlemen that conduct the trust have 
never at any time been in danger of jail 
for violating the anti-trust law. 

To show now what has been the situa- 
tion of the working class in all these re- 
forming activities I cite a piece of history 
that ought to be familiar to all citizens of 
the United States and still is but little 

In 1907 the Supreme Court handed down 
its famous decision in the Danbury Hat- 
ters case, the essence of which was that a 
labor union could be held financially liable 
for damages to business resulting from a 

Ever since the unions have been trying 
to have the Sherman law amended so that it 
will no longer be possible for courts to read, 
into it a construction that was never in- 
tended by the framers of the act; in other 
words to amend the law so as to exclude 
in so many words all labor unions and 
farmers' associations. 

For years Congress contemptuously re- 
fused to so much as listen to the plea of 
the unions for this elemental justice. I re- 
member that in 1908 the House Committee 
on Labor refused to give to Mr. Gompers 
so much as one minute in which to state his 
case. At last the unions succeeded in com- 
pelling the Democratic party to pledge it- 
self in its national platform to make the 
desired change in the law. When the 
Democrats obtained control of the govern- 
ment the unions asked for the fulfillment of 
that pledge. President Wilson prepared a 
new anti-trust law, being another experi- 
ment in feeble reform, and the unions de- 
sired to have an amendment added that 
would save labor from persecution under 
the Sherman law. They drew up one that 
would have had such a result. The Demo- 
cratic leaders cried out against it as too 
drastic and revolutionary; the President, 
also, was unalterably opposed to it. A con- 
test was precipitated, ending in a long con- 

ference and a compromise. The result was 
that an amendment was adopted pretending 
to exclude the unions, but in reality doing 
no such thing, while under cover an adroit 
provision was slipped over to make injunc- 
tions in labor cases easier and more oppres- 
sive than ever. 

This has been the universal history of 
labor in all these legislative experiments. 
While the working class has all these years 
been the overwhelming majority of the 
population, and while every bad condition 
that was complained of bore far more heav- 
ily upon the workers than upon any other 
class, the workers have never been consid- 
ered for a moment until their complaints 
and grievances became in the single in- 
stance of the Sherman law too threatening 
to be longer ignored. 

Whereupon they were recognized — to the 
extent of being outrageously fooled, de- 
frauded and humbugged. 

It is evident, therefore, that there is no 
more hope of relief in regulation than there 
was found to be in tariff tinkering. All of 
these things are mere devices to distract the 
working class from its wrongs and their 
real remedy. 

There has been no relief to the worker 
and there will be none so long as he re- 
mains unrepresented in the affairs of his 

Two-thirds of the voters of the United 
States belong to the working class; nine- 
tenths of the members of Congress belong 
exclusively to the parasite class. That is 
where the trouble comes in. If the work- 
ing class does not wish to be represented 
it need not be ; but in that position it stands 
alone among all the working classes of the 
world. Everywhere else the truth is be- 
ing recognized that it is utterly impossible 
for the workers to have justice from a 
government conducted by and for the ex- 
ploiters. Consequently, elsewhere the work- 
ing class is moving on toward what belongs 
to it. We need not join that procession un- 
less we wish; but if we resolutely refuse 
to use the means we have in our hands to 
secure justice we ought not to complain if 
the government 'and the courts seem or- 
ganized against us and meantime the cost 
of living continues to increase but there 
is no corresponding increase in wages and 

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Tke Story of tkc Migratory "Worker 


WHEN the Home Guard worker is 
thrown on the industrial scrap 
heap he is, at least, surrounded 
by friends or relatives. He has 
been a resident of the town and is well 
known in the community. Through the 
influence of some of his friends he can get 
into the County Poor House. But far dif- 
ferent is the story of the migratory worker. 

On account of the industrial conditions, 
the migratory worker is forced from place 
to place in search of a job. A few weeks' 
work in the harvest fields, and then he is 
off to some construction job which is com- 
pleted perhaps in two or three months, 
making it impossible for the migratory 
worker to have a home. 

He cannot vote at the city election; he 
has no political pull; he has no influential 
friends; no bank account. He belongs to 
no church or lodge. It is true that he pays 
hospital fees every month whenever he is 
employed, but the moment he leaves the 

job his receipt for the hospital fee is null 
and void. Some times he has two or three 
jobs in a month. 

In Humboldt County, California, the la- 
bor urfions maintain one of the best equipped 
hospitals on the Pacific Coast. For ten 
dollars a year a worker can get a Union 
Labor Hospital ticket. 

But the lumber corporations still collect 
the monthly hospital fee, in spite of the 
fact that many of the men are paying into 
their own hospital. 

The trade unions of Eureka, Cal., took 
this case to the Supreme Court of the state. 
What did the Supreme Court decide? It 
maintained that the employer could not 
take out the hospital fee against the will of 
the employe, but that the employer can, 
upon employing a man, lay down certain 
regulations and conditions, and if the em- 
ploye does not care to accept them the 
employer can refuse him employment. 

According to the Supreme Court, it is 


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unlawful for the boss to do this, but if the 
slave does not like it he can become a 
tramp. Such is the way of the law. 

The following is the story of one Jack 
O'Brien, one of the many thousands of 
worn-out migratory workers. 

In the summer of 1912 the Modesto 
Water Company was constructing an irri- 
gation canal near Modesto, Cal. Through 
the fault of the company-loving foreman's 
attempts to save powder, a certain blast did 
not do its work, leaving an overhanging 
ledge of dirt and rock. Some of the work- 
men protested, saying the cut was danger- 
ous. But the foreman commanded them to 
get back on the job. 

Contrary to the opinion of our well-to-do 
and comfortable "public" that the hobo 
will not work, the men realized that- if they 
refused to go on they would again be 
thrown out of work on an already over- 
crowded labor market to become tramps, 
facing the hardships of hunger and want, 
and they stuck. 

We met O'Brien at Colfax, Cal., huddled 
up to a camp fire with a few blankets and 
some tin cans between some bushes, and a 
canvas stretched out overhead. This was 
his home. O'Brien is sixty-five years old. 
He was injured while making profits for a 
boss. The Marshal of Colfax refused to 
send him to the County Hospital. The 
trainmen refused to give him a lift. With 
a crippled foot and the rheumatism, he is 
unable to walk. The only food he gets is 

from passing hoboes or migratory workers. 
This is very little, for these men have not 
much for themselves. 

What about the California Compensation 
Act? Well, O'Brien was hurt before this 
act became a law. And even if he had 
been hurt after, it is doubtful if he would 
have benefited. 

And so there he lies on the Scrap Heap, 
worn out and lonely, awaiting the appear- 
ance of the passing hobo who may be kind 
enough and sufficiently supplied to stop and 
cook up a meal which he may share. 

Like a worn-out machine that can no 
longer be used, O'Brien lies rejected of re- 
spectable society. This is the story of the 
migratory worker and every worker every- 
where today. 

Ye slaves, arise! The remedy for such 
conditions lies in organization. Unite in 
One Big Union and build up a system of 
society wherein every worker will be able 
to live like a human being. Then when 
our Day of Work is done, we shall know 
that a comfortable old age awaits us. The 
man who has planted and harvested shall 
spend his days in plenty. The builder shall 
have a roof over his head. And comfort 
shall be his portion. The man who has 
toiled shall not want for any needful thing ! 
Then men like poor old Jack O'Brien will 
have something to look forward to besides 
a six-foot plot of ground, a barrel of quick- 
lime and the Potter's Field. 


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The Revolt at Butte 


EVERY swing of the miner's pick, 
every chug of the machine drill, 
shortens the life of a mining camp. 
Every carload of ore that is hoist- 
ed is measuring the heart beats of Butte, 
Montana. But as long as copper is mined 
in that camp the people who live and 
work there will keep in memory the 
eventful days of June 13 and June 23, 
1914. "Hoodoo'' and "skidoo" days. 
The miners got in two splendid shifts' 
work. "They picked down, mucked back, 
set up, drilled a full round and blasted. 
Every hole broke bottom." 

This reference in miners' parlance to 
the revolt in Butte, Montana, means that 
nearly 7,000 men gave vent to spontane- 
ous action against the iniquities that they 
have suffered. For many years the 

Miners' Union has been under the con- 
trol of the Anaconda Copper Company. 
A contract had been imposed upon them 
in which originally they had no voice in 
the making. The infamous permit card 
system is a later development. It was 
a similar blacklisting scheme that was 
inaugurated by the mining companies in 
the Coeur d'Alenes after the great strike 
of 1899, when a permit to seek employ- 
ment was required of every man looking 
for a job. At that time a miner who se- 
cured work was compelled to abjure his 
connection with the Western Federation 
of Miners, and it was against this in- 
famous "permit system" that Mike De- 
vine in his dying words said: "Boys, 
don't sign." 

Thirty-six years ago the miners of 


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Butte formed a union for the mutual pro- 
tection and advancement of the men who 
spent most of their lives underground 
and in working around the mines. Since 
then many of the old timers have found 
permanent underground homes in the 
great cemetery in the flat below Butte. 
Kighty-five thousand are buried there, 
mostly miners. In the years that have 
gone there has been a continuous proces- 
sion of the members of the Miners' Union 
from their hall to the graveyard. 

As the mines of Butte developed the 
decimated ranks of the pioneer miners 
were filled with newcomers from the 
many corners of the earth. The union 
grew in numbers, in power and in pur- 
pose, it became the warp and woof of 
the economic, social and civic life of the 
great copper camp. Men were proud of 
their union. A membership card of Butte 
Miners' Union was cherished as a family 

June 13 was the anniversary of the or- 
ganization, it was the annual fete. On 
that day the mines closed down, the 
whistles were silent. Under a canopy of 
sulphurous smoke from burning piles of 
ore, Butte celebrated. The thousands of 
miners marched in parade, speeches were 
made, a good time was had and a new 
year begun. 

Then came a change — crooked schem- 
ing politicians sought to advance their 
interests through their influence in the 
union. The personal squabbles and am- 
bitions of the copper magnates, Clark, 
Daly and Heinze, were bitterly fought 
among the miners. When the trust was 
formed, the Standard Oil, Rockefeller's 
interests, became the dominant factor of 
the Amalgamated Company. John D. 
Ryan, the man of his master's initials, 
resident manager of the Robber Oil and 
Copper Barons, was wise in his day and 
hour and saw the need of controlling the 
union as well as the mines and smelters. 

Insidiously the' work of cultivating 
traitors among the members of the union 
was prosecuted. The black-hearted and 
weak-kneed found the trail that led to 
the sixth floor of the Big Ship (the com- 
pany's store), where the offices were lo- 
cated. There the stool-pigeons — the cop- 
per-collared slaves — got their instructions 
as to how to lead their fellow workers to 
the shambles. The elections of the union 

were so manipulated that the company 
tools were elected to official positions. 
There were few exceptions. 

It was during one of the periods when 
true union men had a voice in the union 
that the crucial test came. The miners 
demanded an increase in wages to meet 
the advanced cost of living. With the 
approved methods of the I. W. W., the 
Western Federation of Miners, then be- 
ing an integral part of the Industrial 
Workers of the World, the local regular- 
ly amended its constitution, .providing 
for a minimum wage of $4.00 per day and 
$4.50 for sinking. A committee was ap- 
pointed by the union to notify the com- 
panies of the change in the constitution, 
which was to go into effect May 1, 1907. 
From this event we can follow with the 
certainty of a surveyor's stakes on a sec- 
tion line other events that led up to the 
tragic revolt of the rank and file during 
the days of June 13 and 23, 1914. 

When the company was informed that 
a raise of 50 cents a day was demanded, 
John D. Ryan, manager, and Superin- 
tendent Gillie said that they would not 
grant the raise and threatened to close 
down the Amalgamated properties if the 
miners stood by their amended constitu- 
tion. They agreed that work should 
continue uninterrupted on the basis of a 
sliding scale, wages to be determined by 
the market price of copper. At this junc- 
ture Manager Ryan and Superintendent 
Gillie told the committee that they must 
have a contract. 

It is interesting at this time to note 
that the agent of Rockefeller in Butte 
imposed a five-year agreement upon the 
employes of the Anaconda Copper Com- 
pany and that this contract has since 
been renewed, is now in existence and 
has a year to run. John D. Rockefeller 
testified before the Congressional com- 
mittee relative to the Colorado situation 
that his company would lose its millions 
invested in the C. F. and I. rather than 
recognize the United Mine Workers of 
America. Further, that he was fighting 
for the great American principle of "A 
man having the right to work where, 
when and for whom he pleases." In view 
of this testimony the Butte agreement 
becomes a significant document. It is as 
follows : 

Digitized by 




Whereas, the Butte Miners Union and the 
mining companies operating in the Butte dis- 
trict being desirous of perpetuating their 
friendly relations and at the same time have a 
definite understanding as to the compensation 
members of the union shall receive for their 
work from their employers, do mutually agree 
as follows: 

1. That eight hours in each twenty-four 
shall constitute a shift or day's work. 

2. The miners shall start to go down the 
shaft or other mine openings at the beginning 
of the shift and shall leave their place of work 
at the expiration of eight and one-halt hours 
from that time, it being understood that the 
miner shall have one-half hour of that time 
in which to eat lunch. The miners to be 
hoisted or come from their work on their own 
time. It is also understood that where three 
consecutive shifts are employed, eight con- 
secutive hours shall constitute a day's work. 

3. Where the word "miner" is used in this 
agreement it shall mean all underground men 
engaged in any of the work of mining. 

4. The rate or amount of wages to be paid 
a miner for a day's work or proportionately 
for a part of a day's work to be determined 
as follows: The average market price per 
pound of electrolytic copper as given in En- 
gineering & Mining for each calendar month 
shall be the basis of determining the rate of 

5. When the average monthly price of elec- 
trolytic copper shall be 18 cents per pound 
or over, then the wage rate shall be $4 per day 
for all miners other than miners in shafts, 
station cuttings, winzes and station tenders, 
and for all miners in shafts, station cutting, 
winzes and station tenders the wage rate shall 
be $4.50 per day. 

6. When the average price of electrolytic 
copper shall be under 18 cents per pound, then 
the rate of wages shall be $3.50 per day for 
all miners except other than miners in shafts, 
station cutting, winzes and station tenders; 
and for all miners in shafts, station cutting, 
winzes and station tenders the wage rate shall 
be $4 per day and in no case shall the wages 
be less than specified in this section. 

7. Should a miner's employment terminate 
by reason of voluntary quitting, discharge or 
other reason before the end of any calendar 
month, the rate of settlement in each case 
shall be as follows: The wage rate upon any 
settlement made for any part of the month up 
to and including the fifteenth of said month 
shall be based on the previous month's average 
for electrolytic copper. The wage rate for any 
settlement made for any part of a month ex- 
tending beyond the fifteenth of said month 
shall be made for the whole time of employ- 
ment in said month at a rate based on the 
averaee price of electrolytic copper for the 
first fifteen days of the calendar month of set- 

8. Should the authority used in ascertain- 
ing the market price of copper appear to either 
party of this agreement to be false or wrong 
at any time, then either party shall have the 
right to request that a representative be ap- 

pointed by each party and those two persons 
to appoint a third, a majority of whom shall 
decide on the method or means to be used in 
arriving at the correct market price of copper 
for the purposes of this agreement. 

9. This agreement shall remain in force and 
effect for a period of five years from and after 
April 1, 1907, and thereafter until thirty days 
notice shall be given by either party of his 
desire to terminate the agreement. 

This agreement was never formally 
voted on by the members of Butte Miners' 
Union, but through the influence of the 
companies who laid off their men with 
instructions how to vote on such occasion, 
the union constitution was so amended 
as to conform to the main requirements 
of the agreement. This sort of work was 
usually done at special meetings. At the 
time this particular agreement was sup- 
posed to have been adopted, the constitu- 
tion of the Western Federation of Miners 
provided, Section 3, Article V, "Any con- 
tract or agreement entered into between 
the members of any local union and their 
employers, as a final settlement of any 
difficulty or trouble that may occur be- 
tween them shall not be considered valid 
or binding until the same shall have the 
approval of the Executive Board of the 
Western Federation of Miners." 

The Butte agreement was never sub- 
mitted to the Executive Board for its 
approval, it was never endorsed, but 
stood as a bad example and a menace to 
the organization until the following con- 
vention which met in Denver, June 10, 
1907, where we find the following record : 

Resolution No. 82, page 261, W. F. M. pro- 
ceedings, 15th annual convention: 

"Contracts entered into between the employ- 
ing class and the working class are of benefit 
only to the former. Such contracts divide the 
workers in the struggle with their exploiters, 
chain one body of workers in subjection while 
war is being waged by another body; often 
compels one union to scab upon another union; 
destroys the class instinct of the worker; leads 
the works by a false sense of temporary se- 
curity to cease taking an active interest in the 
affairs of their organization, while such con- 
tracts are in force and has absolutely no place 
in progressive labor organizations; therefore 
be it 

"Resolved, by the fifteenth annual conven- 
tion of the Western Federation of Miners, 
That any and all signed contracts or verbal 
agreements for any specified length of time 
that may have been entered into between any 
local union or unions of the Western Federa- 
tion of Miners are by this convention declared 
null and void." 

This resolution was carried by a vote of 
325 for, 25 against. 

Digitized by 




The constitution was amended to read 
"Section 4, Article V — No local union or 
unions of the Western Federation of 
Miners shall enter into any signed con- 
tract or verbal agreement for any speci- 
fied length of time with their employers/' 

The opinions and comments of the 
delegates at the Fifteenth Annual Con- 
vention of the W. F. M. were sincere 
and forceful and are as pertinent at this 
time to the question of binding con- 
tractual relations with the employing 
class as they were the day they were 
uttered. Here are a few of the thoughts 
as expressed by the delegates on that 
occasion, as taken from the stenographic 
report : 

Tom Corra — (Local No. 10): 4, I know that 
whenever a local union enters into an agree- 
ment with a corporation of any kind it is al- 
ways for the interests and benefit of the cor- 
poration, and whenever it suits their purpose 
to break such a contract they do it with a snap 
of their finger." 

P. C. Rawlings— (Local No. 106): "If the 
Western Federation of Miners will go upon 
record that it will not bind and assess to slave 
chains its members, then this convention will 
have done a magnificent work for humanity." - 

Archie Barry — (Local No. 38): "There is no 
necessity for putting a time limit on a con- 
tract. In my opinion it is the only proper set- 
tlement which ought to be made between the 
employer and the employes." 

Richard Bunny — (Local No. 2): "It is a 
well-known fact that the giants of the railroad 
organization and of the bituminous and an- 
thracite coal districts of America could fur- 
nish us with sufficient proof to show the folly 
of all this all along the line and demonstrate 
that the contract system has proven a ruinous 
policy wherever introduced into any labor or- 
ganization in the country." 

J. C. Lowncy — (Local No. 1): "I was op- 
posed at all times to enter into this contract. 
I say this contract was not entered into volun- 

P. J. Duffy— (Local No. 1) : "Yes Sir, and it 
is not the Miners' Union that in any way 
brought around the word 'contract/ but it was 
the managers of the Amalgamated Copper Co. 
that did the same." 

F. H. Little— (Local 159): "It was only 
here a few weeks ago that in San Francisco 
workmen who were bound up with a contract 
with a corporation were expelled from their 
union because they wouldn't scab on the tele- 
phone girls." 

Thomas Boohcr — (Local No. 1): "The Hod 
Carriers of Butte, Montana, receive a dollar 
and a half to two dollars a day more than the 
man who takes his life in his hands to go down 
under ground. ... I challenge any mem- 
ber of this organization to show me the time 
since the Standard Oil Company took its first 
breath of life that that corporation has not 

been one of murder and rampage from the 
Atlantic to Pacific ocean." 

Ed O'Byrne— (Local No. 1): "I contend 
that nobody at this present time has got any 
right whatever to make a contract or agree- 
ment that shall bind men to come for five 
years hence or one year hence. ... A man 
who has got nothing but his labor power for 
sale and his employer cannot enter into a con- 

Joe Shannon — (Local No. 1): "We are 
worse off today than when we were working 
for $3.50 per day. We had a committee ap- 
pointed to see the business men and the mer- 
chants, and of course they gave us that little 
tunc that they wouldn't raise prices any more 
unless they were forced to." 

Charles Bunting— (Local No. 180): "I will 
say at the start that I am absolutely opposed 
to any time agreement. . . . We turned 
the thing down and since that time we have 
got a wage schedule which we consider as 
good as any in the country. There will be no 
time agreements in the boundary district." 

R. Randall — (Local 320): "It is my opinion 
that the time will come in the near future 
when the membership of the Western Federa- 
tion of Miners will be bound down by contract 
the same as are the United Mine Workers if 
we do not take this action." 

Albert Ryan — (Local 101): "I claim that no 
local of the Western Federation of Miners or 
any working class organization has a right 
of any kind to make a contract with the mas- 

John H. B otto ml y — (Local 16): "I was op- 
posed to the time contract and I fought the 
time contract as hard as I knew how." 

Thomas Reilly — (Local 117): "Ryan made 
some such remark but that they didn't want to 
prolong the five years — didn't want to reduce 
it to five years — they wanted a ten-year con- 

Vincent St. John— (Local 220): "The only 
thing is for this organization to go on record 
as making it more clear and standing irrevoca- 
bly as it has in the past — standing squarely 
against any contract of any kind being entered 
into by any employer and his employes repre- 
sented by the Western Federation of Miners." 

J. D. Cannon — (Local 106): "I have got 
the idea that since this contract was entered 
into it has been demonstrated on the floor of 
this convention that at no time and no place 
should the laboring class enter into a contract 
with the employer. Every time you enter into 
such a contract you are driving a nail in the 
coffin of the laboring class." 

W. A. Willis— (Local 220): "There was a 
time when I couldn't see any danger in the 
verbal agreement; I always thought there was 
a great deal of danger in the written agree- 
ment. Since that time I have found there is 
danger in any kind of an agreement which a 
labor organization may enter into with their 
employers. The only thing that gives the 
labor organization any power is what they 
can wrest from their employers by their eco- 
nomic power, and whenever you tie your 
hands by any kind of an agreement you lose 
that power." 

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J. C. Knust— (Local No. 245): "There is no 
doubt but that this motion is going to carry 
by a majority, that it will be carried by a great 
majority, and the greater the majority the bet- 
ter. Whenever you leave it open to the differ- 
ent organizations of the Western Federation 
of Miners to enter into contract, you leave it 
open for graft to come into the organization/' 

For five years after 1907 one of the 
fundamental principles of the W. F. of M. 
was "no contracts with the employing 
class." During these five, years many 
changes had taken place in the W. F. 
of M. and its policies. The one time 
militant organization withdrew from the 
Industrial Workers of the World and be- 
came affiliated with the A. F. of L. From 
that moment it became poisoned and pol- 
luted with the virus of the pure and 
simple trade union that has representives 
in the Civic Federation proclaiming the 
identity of interest of capital and labor. 
This cancerous environment resulted in 
a change of policy and the following 
was adopted in the Twentieth Annual 
convention : 


Whereas, Every year the Western Federa- 
tion of Miners spends thousands of dollars 
for organizing purposes, and 

Whereas, The results obtained from the ex- 
penditure of this large sum of money and the 
energetic effort of the organization along this 
line are comparatively few and insignificant 
owing to the lack of a well-defined policy on 
the part of the organization in dealing with the 
industrial problems and in the adjustment of 
difficulties arising between the members of this 
organizations and the employers, and 

Whereas, Experience in the past twenty 
years has demonstrated to us the nonstability 
of our local unions under the present system 
of organization; therefore be it 

Resolved, by this the twentieth annual con- 
vention of the Western Federation of Miners, 
That we recommend the adoption of the 
United Mine Workers system in the adjust- 
ment of any and all industrial disputes that 
may arise in the future between members of 
this organization and the employers; and be it 

Resolved, That a special committee of five 
be appointed by the chairman of this con- 
vention to revise our constitution and amend 
the same to conform with the sentiment ex- 
pressed in this resolution; and be it further 

Resolved, That we as delegates to this con- 
vention recommend to the rank and file of this 
organization to adopt the same. 

Moved by Secretary-Treasurer Ernest Mills, 
seconded by Delegate Rodrick McKenzie, No. 
26, that the resolution be adopted. Total vote, 
Yes, 225; No, 5; Absent, 4; No vote, 8. 

The stakes are driven, the constitution 
of the W. F. of M. is again amended. 
Now read it: "Local unions or groups 

of local unions may enter into wage 
agreements for a specified time, provid- 
ing such agreements have the approval 
of the Executive Board. Negotiations 
for agreements must be made between 
the representatives of the local or locals 
affected, and the employers, with at least 
one member of the Executive Board or 
representative of the general organiza- 

This was the dynamic force that de- 
stroyed the Miners' Union Hall in Butte. 
It was a long fuse that was split and 
primed with the "quick stuff" in the 
Twentieth Annual Convention. It took 
years to burn through, but it finally went 
off. It was the reaction against the adop- 
tion of the infamous contract system that 
brought in its train the blacklisting 
rustling card used as a collecting medium 
by the company store — to secure a 
rustling card a man is subjected to an 
examination, second only to the Ber- 

The members of Butte No. 1 were op- 
posed to the indignity and humiliation 
of submitting to investigation ; they voted 
against the rustling card 11 to 1, but local 
and general officials ignored this mighty 
protest. Then came the final imposition, 
every man was compelled to have a paid- 
up W. F. of M. card before he could go 
to work. There were thousands of men 
in Butte broke, searching for work; a 
paid-up card stood between them and the 
chance of a job. It had always been the 
custom throughout the mining camps of 
the West to grant a man 30 or 60 days 
to square up. 

A great mass meeting was held, a vote 
was taken on the question of showing 
cards ; 6,348 voted no — 243 yes. Still the 
officials offered no relief or protection 
against these outrages. Then came the 
revolt, a spontaneous uprising of the 
masses. Butte Miners' Union No. 1, W. 
F. of M. fell. It had been dedicated to 
the Rights of Man, it served as an Altar 
of Mammon, and crumbled of its own 

Out of the ruins a new union has been 
born. May the bitter experiences of the 
past make the members more vigilant of 
their interests in the future, and let us 
hope the lesson has been well learned 
and that the workers must depend upon 
themselves alone for the advancement of 
their class. 

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The following letters to the Review are 
from men who have been members of 
Butte No. 1 for many years : 

Letter Number 1. 

"T^HE revolt which culminated in the 
1 tragedies of June 13 and 23 when 
the Miners' Union hall was wrecked and 
one man killed, and several wounded by 
shots fired from the hall is the result of 
causes dating back for a space of eighteen 

"The causes which stand out most glar- 
ing are first, the whitewashing of a local 
secretary by the executive board of the 
W. F. of M. in the face of the fact that 
one of his bondsmen made good a por- 
tion of the shortage; second, the con- 
nivance of the W. F. of M. officials with 
local officials to prevent legally elected 
delegates from taking their seats at a 
convention; third, the complete reversal 
of the executive board in their position 
concerning time contracts between local 
unions and employing companies; and 
specifically, the championing of a con- 
stitutional amendment by Vice-President 
Mahoney making legal all such con- 
tracts between employes and employers; 
fourth, the evident connivance of lo- 
cal union officials with Anaconda Cop- 
per Mining Company in inaugurating the 
infamous card system in the Butte dis- 
trict, and the apathy of the W. F. of M. 
officials in failing to resist the same. 

"The affairs of the union during all these 
years, except for a few short intervals, 
have been in the control of men who were 
at all times subservient to the will of the 
employing companies, and any proposi- 
tion having for its object the betterment 
of conditions of the mine workers was 
promptly smothered. If any assistance 
was needed by the officials to do the 
smothering, it was furnished gratis by 
the companies, who sent a sufficient num- 
ber of lackeys down from the mines to 
the meeting, allowing their time to go 
on as usual. 

"President Moyer states that these con- 
ditions were never made known to him 
and as a consequence he made no effort 
to correct them. He well knows that 
those who opposed corporate control of 
the organization sent a man to the Victor 
convention of the W. F. of M. in 1912 
to protest against these conditions and 

that the convention expelled him from the 
W. F. of M. It comes with poor grace 
from Mr. Moyer at this late day to plead 
ignorance. He was perfectly aware of 
the rottenness of the Butte Union's af- 
fairs, and not only did he not attempt 
to cleanse them, but by his attitude he 
led the membership to infer that he con- 
doned them. All his strength in the 
Butte district is drawn from that sub- 
servient element, as the true union men 
have long since given him up as hope- 
less, and this very element with which 
he now trains consists of those who de- 
serted him when his life and those of 
Haywood and Pettibone were hanging 
in the balance at Boise. 

"As a climax to all the abuses herein 
recited, the final one was the action of 
the President in declaring lost a motion, 
which was plainly carried, for the use of 
the voting machines at the election of 
local officers. 

"The futility of further attempts to right 
things being apparent, the membership 
refused to recognize the jurisdiction of 
the union at the mines, and as a conse- 
quence were ordered off the job by the 
mine managers. 

"This action resulted in a secession of 
the membership in general from the old 
union and the formation of a new union 
known as the Butte Mine Workers' 

"Prominent among the seceders are men 
who for many years, have been noted for 
their working class loyalty. 

"The membership of the new organiza- 
tion has now passed the four thousand 
mark, and new recruits are coming in 
rapidly. It promises to be an organiza- 
tion of class conscious workers which 
will be an effective weapon in the strug- 
gle which is being so bitterly waged the 
world over." 

Letter Number 2 

^T^ HE starting of the affair was due to 
1 the condition that existed here. Con- 
tracts, rustling card system and Moyer 
and his bunch standing for it. We were 
always paying assessments to strikes in 
different places and nothing won — South 
Dakota, Utah and Michigan. Boys were 
paying a shift's wages together with dues 
and local assessments amounting to about 
$5.00 a month. They did not kick until 

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Moyer kept the assessments on after the 
strike had been called off. 

"The Anaconda Mining Company con- 
trolled the so-called union here by pack- 
ing the meetings with their stools and 
the good ones could not get a look-in. 
At the recent election the stools got away 
with the judges and clerks again, as 
usual, so we withdrew the whole slate 
and let them have it all, so there wasn't 
any opposition and no need of election at 
all except .the ballot on headquarters. 

"There wasn't 500 ballots cast all day, 
although the stools gave to the papers 
that there was 3,200 votes cast, which 
everybody knew was a lie. The judges 
had a swell time boozing up at the ex- 
pense of the slaves. 

"The boys were all sore and the bunch 
at the Speculator mine said: 'The next 
time the delegates come up here to ex- 
amine cards, we don't show them any 
more.' And they didn't, so the foreman 
sent the whole shift home. They got 
busy with the night shift, which went out 
to work, but wouldn't show cards, and 
they were sent home. But before the 
bunch left the mine they kicked the 
heads off the delegates and some body- 
guards they had along with them. 

"The two shifts marched back down- 
town and held a meeting in the Audi- 
torium. It was decided to take a refer- 
endum vote as to whether or not they 
would continue to show W. F. M. cards 
at the mines in order to work. The turn- 
out was great. Total number votes cast, 
6,633. Votes cast against showing W. F. 
M. cards at mines, 6,348; for showing 
cards, 243. There were 42 spoiled ballots. 

"At a change day meeting of 5,000 a 
motion to reorganize into a union to be 

known as Butte Mine Workers' Union 
was carried without a dissenting vote 
and temporary officers were elected. 

"Headquarters were immediately se- 
cured and 4,000 members have been en- 
rolled to date (July 7). 

"Of course, Moyer showed up on the 
scefie to save his meal ticket, with some 
of his official bodyguards. He arranged 
a meeting in the old hall and 150 went 
up, including his bodyguard and special 
deputies furnished by the courthouse 
bunch. There were thousands gathered 
in front of the hall to see who would at- 
tend, but nobody was interfered with. 

"The trouble started in about half an 
hour, when one of their own members 
started up the stairs to the meeting and 
was shot down by one of Moyer's gun- 
men. A minute or so after one of his 
bunch stuck a rifle out of a window up- 
stairs and started shooting into the 
crowd on the street, killing one man and 
wounding several. 

"Some few fellows in the crowd had 
pocket guns and started shooting at the 
'gun' in the window and in a short time 
there were hundreds of guns in action 
from the crowd on the street. They 
thought the walls too thick for rifles and 
six-shooters, so someone hollered, 'If we 
can't vote Moyer out of office, we will 
blast him out.' And Moyer's meal ticket 
was some sight when they got through 
with it. Moyer and his 'guns' made their 
get-away down the fire ladder in the rear 
into an auto and never stopped until they 
landed in Helena, 75 miles away. 

"The next we heard of him was 
through the Governor who wired Muckey 
McDonald that Moyer had called and re- 
quested him to send soldiers to Butte." 

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By Marion Wrijfnt 

DURING the last four years of the 
nineteenth century the United 
States went into the island land 
grabbing business. Beginning in 
1896, our glorious republic forcibly an- 
nexed the Hawaiian group at the instance 
of the missionaries and sugar barons to 
whom it was immediately surrendered, and 
followed in rapid succession with the gob- 
bling of Porto Rico, Guam, the Philippines 
and the Samoan group. In the snuffle 
Cuba was incidentally taken away from 
Spain and handed over to our own sugar 
trust. In all this new territory acquired 
there were only two jokers hidden on the 
capitalists. These two were little, worth- 
less Guam, situated a thousand miles from 
nowhere and producing nothing, and the 
Samoan islands. Still, both of these places 

serve the capitalistic ends in a way, as they 
are used as Naval Bases from which our 
ships of war may dart out and inflict 
"dollar diplomacy" on any people who fail 
to fork over in accordance with the Wall 
street plan. 

Tutuila, Samoa, and two smaller islands 
were acquired by the United States in 1899 
by mutual agreement with two other inter- 
national highwaymen, England and Ger- 
many, who whacked up the remainder of 
the group among themselves. We got the 
island of Tutuila with its fine harbor of 
Pago-Pago as a naval station and England 
took the city of Apia with the largest 
island. Germany also got her share. The 
natives protested as usual and of course 
received the usual answer — a hail of ma- 
chine gun bullets, after which the survivors 


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were content to do as the missionaries said 
and to drag in their cocoanut taxes like 
good citizens. 

As Tutuila has an area of only fifty-four 
square miles with a population of about 
thirty-five hundred, it is hardly worth 
while exploiting, especially as the principal 
port is occupied by the navy and the island 
is out of the present track of vessels trad- 
ing through the Pacific. 

It is a revelation to an American citizen 
to visit this far-away colony of ours, and 
so that we may understand something of 
the people, who will one day be a part of 
our Co-operative Commonwealth, the 
searchlight will be turned upon our sub- 
jects in the South Seas. 

Few people know anything about the 
port of Pago-Pago (Pang-ee Pang-ee), 
Tutuila, Samoa. The sun comes up like 
a crash of clanging cymbals down in 
Pangee-Pangee, and when the tropic twi- 
light dies before it is born, the Southern 
Cross gets tangled in the royal stays of a 
trader or glows warmly through a rift in 
t"he fringe of palms. Deep, soft, and never- 
ceasing comes the thunder of the surf as 
the great green swells pound on the coral 
reefs. Through the groves of fruit and 
palm the evening brings a barbaric chant 
of native song. Songs to their island home 
— its fruits, flowers, and ancient kings — 
songs to the warm, scented winds and the 
mother sea. 

This is one of the old ports of missing 
men: one of the havens of slave-girl deal- 
ers, gin-runners, mutineers, and cannibal 
feats. Here is the atmosphere that called 
Robert Louis Stevenson and held him, will- 
ing captive, to the day of his death. The 
soul of the ''Seven Seas" hangs in these 
palm-fringed, coral-girted isles. Weary 
men find here the rest of tha worn river 
that at last reaches the sea. 

Here the ten commandments are nil. It 
is only the United States Naval Governor 
with his gunboat and "Feeta-Feeta' guard 
that makes commandments. No more may 
the natives cook missionaries, or trade their 
young women off for gin. The Governor 
frowns on gin, and protects the missionary. 
More than a hundred of the sturdiest, 
finest young warriors of American Samoa 
have discarded their head-knives to wear 
the regulation Navy web-belt and Krag 
bayonet. They also sport a blue cloth about 
their waists and a little blue skull cap. For 

full dress occasions there is added "a sleeve- 
less Navy undershirt. 

The native guardsmen, called by their 
countrymen "Feeta-Feetas," serve as police 
in American Samoa. There is rarely any 
trouble. The islanders know that the 
white man is strongest, and they submit to 
things that they don't want, and never will 
understand, like philosophers. They pay 
their cocoanut tax for the building of roads 
and schools, and, even against their na- 
tures, are becoming outwardly civilized. 

For obvious reasons, the missionaries, 
and others who have the "welfare of the 
poor natives at heart," have never taught 
them the commercial value of money or 
the principle of trading for white men's 
goods. A nickel is legal tender, but a dime 
is entirely too small iqr a Samoan. They 
show the proper respect for gold, though 
a brightly polished penny has been known 
to accomplish as much as the genuine yel- 
low metal. They measure money in shill- 
ings. Everything is worth a shilling. A 
pair of cocoanuts is worth a shilling. A 
boat load fetches the same price. You pay 
with the smallest coin you have, above a. 

Though ignorant of money values, th£ 
Samoan is sometimes a shrewd trader. A 
giant warrior has been known to firmly in- 
sist upon an entire three-cake box of Pears 
soap iii exchange for a woven mat that 
took his wife, or one of his wives, months, 
if not a year, to make. The sailor artfully 
held the box of perfumed soap nearer and 
nearer his victim. Its delicate aroma dis- 
tended the nostrils of the savage, until, with 
a cry of delight, he yielded up the mat for 
one — just one — of the cakes of soap. It 
was not desired for his toilet set. White 
people are ignorant of a great many things, 
among them being the fact that scented 
soap makes ravishing soup. And it may 
also be cut into little cubes and used as a 
confection, after the manner of a high 
school girl with a box of chocolate creams. 

A square of tapu cloth, made from wood 
fiber, wrapped about the loins, constitutes 
the native dress. However, they go into 
ecstacies over civilized clothes. It is never 
too warm in Samoa for a native to parade 
in an overcoat, or sweater, or plug hat, or 
all three together. They do not incline to 
trousers or shoes. No shoe could be found 
large enough to fit an adult Samoan. 

The dream of every Wahini (Samoan 

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woman) is to own an umbrella and a baby 
carriage. These articles are the brand of 
social excellence. The acme of exclusive- 
ness. The paths and trails are too rough 
generally for a baby buggy, and a Samoan, 
young or old, male or female, has about as 
much use for an umbrella as has a frog or 
a sunflower. But no matter, the native 
woman wants them just the same, to flash 
about, like our own society dame with her 
ostentatious lorgnette. 

The most striking quality about the 
Samoan is his seamanship. Born on the 
edge of the water, reared in the surf, and 
taking his food as much from the sea as 
the fruit trees, he makes a perfect water 
animal. Boats come into Pago-Pago har- 
bor with twenty-two oars on a side. Big, 
husky men, naked except for a cloth about 
the waist, with strings of shell beads and 
flowers about their necks and hair, man the 
long oars. They keep an absolutely perfect 
stroke, in time to a wild chant and the 
music of two drummers who perch in the 
bow, beating their tom-toms to a never- 
ceasing rhythm. Sometimes a war-dancer 
cuts his wild figures in the bow, keeping in 
stroke with the music, swinging a mighty 
war-club to illustrate the prowess of the 

ancient warriors of Samoa. The stern- 
sheets of these gigantic long boats hold the 
women, children, and trade goods of a vil- 
lage, and almost without exception, a fat, 
long-bearded, begowned missionary who 
bosses the village, has his pick of the 
women and gin, and squeals for the gun- 
boat whenever the natives disagree with 
him. Round the harbor they circle, passing 
and repassing the ships at anchor, and at 
last pull alongside to trade. 

Fans, mats, tapu cloths, war-clubs, head- 
knives, fcafcu-bowls, beads, shells, fruits and 
flowers are passed over the side in ex- 
change for anything from good coin to half 
a box of shoe polish. 

There are some enterprising laundrymen 
in Samoa. They accept white collars, cuffs, 
shirts, etc., with the calm assurance of a 
Parisian cleaner. They return them the 
same way, only the linen is no longer white. 
Shreds of fiber, vegetable stains, cocoanut 
oil, and scorched spots are beaten, ground, 
and forever pounded into the cloth. Pro- 
tests are of no avail. The big, bronzed 
laundryman will stay on deck for hours 
waiting for his pay. Cuss him and he 
grins. Show him, man to man, that he 
owes you for the spoiled linen and his si- 

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lent, fat mirth is positively infectious. 
Have him put over the side by force and 
he paddles away in his outrigger canoe 
still grinning. They are as peaceable as 
fat cows. 

Samoans are very hospitable. One gets 
many invitations as: 

% "You come my house. You my fren\ 
I got nice girl. She sing. She make nice 
dance. She make kava-drink." 

However, one is expected to bring a can 
of salmon, or some article of white man's 
food, when accepting such kind offers. 

At the Samoan's house you sit on a clean 
straw mat. If you stay over night you 
sleep on the same. A thin tapu cloth serves 
to keop you warm and to keep off the mos- 
quitoes. Yq*r weary head is rested on a 
long joint of four-inch bamboo, fitted up 
with two little legs at either end to prevent 
it turning. This is an improvement over 
the wooden neck-pillow of the Japs; it is 

Meal-time is more enjoyable. With a 
few white man's delipacies to stir them to 
extra efforts, the Wahinis will prepare a 
feast that a cracker-eating Rockefeller 
would enjoy. A chicken and small pig are 
killed and dressed, wrapped in green leaves 
and roasted in the ground, or turned on a 
spit over the coals. Several varieties of 
fish are treated in the same way. Bananas 
and plaintains are baked in the ashes, and 
some prepared raw. Some fine, fresh 
cocoanuts are halved neatly and the cups 
filled with the sweet, rich milk. 

While this is going on, one of the clean- 
est girls wraps a large square mat with 
broad, green banana leaves. This is placed 
on the ground and used for the table. The 
roast chicken and pig with the fruits and 
vegetables are spread out on the green mat, 
and all hands turn to. For seasoning, there 
is a polished cocoanut cup filled with sea- 
water. When it is emptied, a little, naked, 
dirty boy goes whooping down to the sea 
and refills it. For eating utensils you have 
always your eight fingers and two handy 

The kava comes last. This is a sacred 
Samoan custom. You must like the kava. 
It is always prepared by the prettiest girl 

in the house. Bits of dried, white root are 
crushed up in the bottom of a big kava- 
bowl. Water is added, and the girl draws 
a vegetable fiber dish-rag through the bowl 
again and again, stirring the root pulp 
about and wringing the rag after each act. 
Soon the water takes on a dirty, milkish 
hue and the kava is ready to be served in 
the polished bowls. An excellent imitation 
of kava can be made by seasoning dirty 
dish water with tabasco sauce and licorice, 
to suit the taste.. But you must like it! 
The Samoan host watches your face like a 
hawk when you take the first sip. It is 
good form to smile, nod happily, and say: 
"Lee Lay" the same being a cannibal term 
meaning "fine!" 

As the evening advances, the "nice girl 
may make >iice dance and sing." The 
dance, called "Siva-siva" is a libel on the 
performance that made the Chicago Mid- 
way famous; a sister to the Hawaiian 
hula-hula, and a credit to Maude Allen at 
her best—no apologies appended. All 
hands join in the song, and clap their palms 
together. The words are easy as every 
third or fourth is Sa-mo-a. The natives 
are intensely patriotic when they sing. The 
dance is merely intense. 

American occupation has broken up 
polygamy in the islands and any person 
found suffering from a venereal disease is 
promptly jailed until pronounced well by 
the Naval doctor. Ameriacn Samoa exports 
copra and curios. Copra is the dried meat 
of the cocoanut and the output for last sea- 
son was over 3,000,000 pounds. This 
brought about $100,000. Some of the na- 
tive villages are very progressive, owning 
modern boats and fishing gear. Scientific 
methods of caring for the fruit groves have 
also been introduced to some extent. Free 
medical attention is given the natives at the 
Naval Hospital at Pago-Pago, but as a rule 
the natives are strong and vigorous, as are 
most people who live the simple life, North 
and South. 

Roads are being constructed through the 
jungles to replace the narrow trails, and 
the Naval Governor does all in his power 
to transform the island into a typical 
American colon v. 

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By Emile Pouget 

THE French labor organizations offer 
noteworthy differences from the 
American unions — differences on 
which it is needless to insist, since 
they will be sufficiently obvious to the 
American reader after a comparison. 

The first difference is the numerical 
weakness of the French unions as com- 
pared with the imposing numbers of the 
organizations in the United States. At the 
present moment, in fact, if we accept the 
most recent government statistics, we find 
that in France the number of organized 
laborers scarcely exceeds one million. And 
furthermore, this figure is inflated by over 
25 per cent, the real number of unions 
scarcely exceeding 700,000. 

The discrepancy between this last figure 
and the million unionists announced by the 
Minister of Labor is due to the bluff of 
several organizations; first, to the bluff of 
the "mutual" organizations, which take the 
name of union to draw government subsi- 
dies; secondly, to the bluff of the Catholic 
"Houses of Recreation," in which unthink- 
ing workmen are all the more easily en- 
tangled because no dues are required of 
them, and which, from the mere fact that 
they are there, are regarded as adherents 
of an alleged Catholic uniorf; then, again, 
to the bluff of the Yellow unions, which 
adorn themselves with the banner, "Liberty 
to Work." These last unions have even 
less of a real existence than the preceding. 
They are represented merely by a few 
gloomy personages who are at their head 
and whose special function consists in re- 
cruiting strike breakers whom, in return 
for hard cash, they put at the disposal of 

The only exception to be made is in 
favor of half a dozen Catholic unions 
whose existence is not fictitious. Just one 
of these groups has any large membership 
namely, the Green (Catholic) Union of 
the railway workers, which had a consider- 
able growth after the collapse of the great 
railway strike of 1910. Since then, because 
of the favors granted it and the pressure 
exercised upon the men by the railway 
companies and the insidious propaganda 

of the clergy, this union has grown until it 
enrolls fifty thousand members. 

As for the other "confessional" unions, 
which really exist, they do not enroll alto- 
gether more than a few thousand laborers. 
And, apart from these few organizations, 
the Mutualist, Catholic and Yellow unions 
exist only on paper. 

These eliminations made, we may esti- 
mate the real number of unionists at about 
seven hundred thousand. Is that the mem- 
bership roll of the General Confederation 
of Labor? No, since on its rolls we find 
only the approximate figure of four hun- 
dred and fifty thousand members. Actually 
this figure is rather below the truth than 
above it, for we must take account of the 
fact that certain groups do not report to 
the treasurer of the C. G. T. the full num- 
ber "of their members, reducing it volun- 
tarily in order to pay dues for a smaller 
number. Moreover, there is a good num- 
ber of unions which are merely affiliated 
with a Labor Exchange and which conse- 
quently cannot be counted as really feder- 
ated. Furthermore, for more than six 
months dissensions have arisen within the 
Miners' Federation and, as the result of a 
split, the miners of the north of France 
have set up an independent federation, that 
of the coal miners. 

All these reasons explain the discrepancy 
between the figure of seven hundred thou- 
sand unionists and the actual membership 
of the C. G. T. Nevertheless, since this 
has about four hundred and fifty thousand 
dues-payers, it is no exaggeration to say 
that, more or less directly, its influence is 
exercised over the two hundred and fifty 
thousand other unionists and that they are 
imbued with its tactics. 

I have just said that a certain number 
of unions are simply affiliated with their 
labor exchange. This leads me to explain 
briefly the organization of the C. G. T. that 
the reader may get a view of its entire 

The members in one and the same trade 
and at one and the same center who have 
come to realize that isolated they are pow- 
erless to resist the least pressure exercised 


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on them by the employer, form themselves 
into a union. Their interests push them to 
this instinctively, logically. But this first 
effort at organization is insufficient. This 
grouping at the foundation is not, by itself, 
vigorous enough to carry on a general fight 
against the exploiter. Thus the laborers 
composing these groups are brought by the 
nature of things to realize that a union 
which should remain isolated from the 
other unions would be in the same situa- 
tion relatively as a laborer remaining iso- 
lated from his comrades. 

It is therefore necessary for a union to 
align itself with the other unions. This in- 
dispensable cohesion is brought about in 
two ways. First, by the grouping of unions 
of various trades in the same locality or in 
the same region; second, by the grouping 
of the unions of the same trade or of the 
same industry scattered over the zvhole sur- 
face of France. The first of these groups 
are the Labor Exchanges or Unions of Syn- 
dicate. The second are the National Trade 

By affiliating with the Labor Exchange 
(or Union of Syndicate, either local or dis- 
trict),.^ Syndicates of the different trades 
lend to one another a mutual support and 
facilitate propaganda within the radius of a 
city or of a certain district. It would be 
difficult to do this work well if they shut 
themselves up in a pernicious isolation. 

The work of the Labor Exchange is 
principally that of education and solidarity. 
Of education, by the assistance given by 
the formation of new unions, by the effort 
made to enroll in the syndicalist circle the 
greatest possible number of laborers, by de- 
veloping the class-consciousness of its 
members through libraries, classes, etc. 
Solidarity is developed through the dis- 
tribution of assistance to members traveling 
in search of work, by the support given to 
the anti-militarist propaganda, through 
greeting fraternally the young soldiers 
quartered in its , neighborhood, through the 
organization of communistic dining rooms 
in case of strikes, etc. 

The affiliation of the union to its Na- 
tional Trade Federation corresponds rather 
to the needs of war and resistance. The 
federations organize the unions of one and 
the same industry and they act over the 
whole territory of France so that they are 
solid fighting organizations. If a conflict 
arises in one center, all the solidarity of the 

federated mass exerts its strength at this 
point to make the employer yield. In this 
way, the individual strength of one union 
finds itself increased by all the strength 
arising from the material and moral sup- 
port of all the unions throughout France. 

Nevertheless, it is clear that if the Labor 
Exchanges remained isolated from one 
another and if the Trade Federations would 
do likewise, the cohesion of the working 
class, arrested at an intermediate point, 
would never equal the strength belonging 
to the whole. In that case the local or- 
ganisms (the Labor Exchanges) would be 
limited by the horizon of their district and 
the national organizations (the Trade Fed- 
erations), by the frontier of their industry. 
That is why, in order to rise to a superior 
strength, these different organizations fed- 
erate among themselves and according to 
their nature, trade federations with trade 
federations and the Labor Exchanges* or 
District Unions with each other. 

It is this double federation, of the trade 
federations on one side, and of the Labor 
Exchanges or district councils, on the other 
side, which make up the Confederation 
Generale du Travail (General Confedera- 
tion of Labor). 

Thus all the federated organisms of the 
working class meet in the C. G. T. It is 
there they enter into contact and it is there 
that the economic action of the proletariat 
is unified, intensified and broadened. How- 
ever, we must not deceive ourselves on this 
point : the organic function of the C. G. T. 
is not to direct but rather to co-ordinate 
and amplify the action of the working class. 
In *it we find cohesion, not centralization, 
impulse and not authority. For one of the 
characteristics of French syndicalism lies 
in the fact that federalism is everywhere: 
at every step the different organizations, 
the union man, the union, the federation 
and the Labor Exchange, — all are autono- 
mous. And it is that which gives to the 
C. G. T. its all-pervading power: the im- 
pulse comes not from above. It comes from 
any point whatever and its vibrations, as 
they grow, transmit themselves to the fed- 
erated mass. 

The technical mechanism of the federa- 
tion is simple. As has just been said, it is 
formed by the federation of the Trade Fed- 
erations and by the federation of the dis- 
trict unions which form at the apex of the 
pyramid, two federal sections, each con- 

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stituted by a committee of delegates from 
affiliated organizations. The committee of 
the section of the federations is formed by 
the delegates of the trade federations and 
the committee of the section of the district 
unions by the delegates of the unions. 
These delegates, chosen by the federations 
or the unions, are under the permanent con- 
trol of their constituents and can be re- 
called at any moment. 

Each of the two federal sections holds 
separate meetings and concerns itself with 
the work of propaganda belonging to it. 
Finally, when the delegates of these two 
sections meet together, they form the Fed- 
eral Committee from which originate the 
propaganda of a general nature interesting 
the whole of the working class. 

It was not at a single stroke that the C. 
G. T., established in 1895, reached this 
simplicity of organization. The way was 
prepared by successive modifications and it 
was not until its congress of 1902 that it 
perfected its present mechanism which 
since then has undergone merely slight re- 
visions in detail. 

* * * 

The functions and the aim of the con- 
federation are defined by its constitution: 
it organises the wage workers for the de- 
fense of their interests, moral and mate- 
rial, economic and occupational. And this 
definition is completed by " the following 
paragraph : it groups, dutside of every polit- 
ical school, all laborets conscious of the 
struggle to be waged for the abolition of 
the ivage system and the employing class. 

The definition of French revolutionary 
syndicalism is condensed into the words 
which I have italicized : the C. G. T. 
"groups the laborers outside of every polit- 
ical school." The expression is clear, pre- 
cise, and it is impossible to interpret it as 
meaning "in opposition" to every political 

Moreover, in its Congress of 1906, after 
a thorough-going discussion on the recip- 
rocal positions of the Socialist Party and 
the Confederation, the text of its Consti- 
tution was paraphrased by a declaration 
which has remained the Magna Charta of 
syndicalism. In this declaration, after the 
assertion that syndicalism does not limit 
its action to the work of defending the 
unions from day to day, but that it also 
aims to assist the work of social transfor- 
mation, it states that : the union member 

has complete liberty to participate outside his 
trade organisation, in such forms of strug- 
gle as correspond to his philosophical or 
political ideas. It is, therefore, an optical 
illusion to assume that syndicalism is hos- 
tile to the Socialist Party. As evidence 
that such an interpretation is a mistaken 
one it is sufficient to know that a number 
of militants of that party, who in their 
capacity of laborers and as delegates from 
unions participated in the Congress of 1906, 
collaborated in the editing of the "Charter" 
of syndicalism, signed it and voted for it. 

It is absurd to suppose that these sincere 
Socialists could have been so thoughtless as 
to allow themselves to be drawn into forg- 
ing arms against the political party of which 
they are convinced militants^ The thing 
that has lent color to this misunderstanding 
is that other militants have drawn anti-par- 
liamentary deductions from the political 
neutrality proclaimed by the Congress of 
Amiens, but it would be as absurd to con- 
clude from these isolated facts that the C. 
G. T. is anti-parliamentarian as it would be 
absurd to claim that its action is subordi- 
nated to suggestions from the Socialist 
Party because certain Socialists desire that 
it be so. In reality the thing that, up to 
the present time, has given syndicalism its 
penetrating force, the thing that explains 
the, decisive influence that it has acquired 
over the working masses, is the fact that it 
is not a reflection of any parliamentary 
party and that it holds itself aloof from 
partisan agitations. 

This attitude is justified by the fact that 
in the unions are mingled workers of all 
opinions. Here meet Socialists, libertarians 
and also wageworkers who in the way of 
political ideas carry no other baggage than 
that of the simple republican, and who at 
the legislative elections vote for candidates 
of various opinions, paying no attention to 
the Socialist Party. 

Now if electoral questions were discussed 
in the unions, the immediate result would 
be the destruction of the harmony which 
prevails there. Instead of being governed 
by the one essential aim, the struggle 
against capitalism, all * factions would let 
themselves be carried away by the desire 
of making their own opinions prevail on 
the parliamentary issue. And there would 
be the end of working-class solidarity. The 
moral unity which is the life of the syndi- 
cate, and which remains strongly cemented, 

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thanks to the irreducible antagonism which, 
even to the dullest eyes, arrays the laborer 
against the employer on the economic field, 
—this moral unity would be endangered. 

Moreover, if at the establishment of the 
C. G. T., it was decided that it be kept out- 
side all political parties, that is because a 
cruel experience proved the necessity of 
this. At that period, in 1895, Socialist 
unity was not yet realized, and the different 
schools which proclaimed the Socialist ideal 
were disputing with each other for control 
in the syndicate, with the hope of drawing 
them into the orbit of their own parliamen- 
tary activity. 

It is after having realized the dangerous 
effects of these internal dissensions that it 
was agreed that henceforth the unions 
should assume an attitude of neutrality 
with regard to all political parties. 

And it is from the time that it became 
well established that the syndicates were 
no longer a tail to a political party that they 
began to become a formidable force and 
that the laboring masses flocked to them, 
when up to that time they had held them- 
selves too much aloof. 

Thus, for the reasons explained above, 
the French syndicates do not participate 
in electoral struggles. Nevertheless, it may 
happen that some of them, without any 
other concern than that of defending the 
economic interests of their members, may 
be led to take an indirect part in politics. 
This situation presents itself at the present 
moment inside the National Syndicate of 
Railroad Workers, apropos of the election 
of popular representatives to the Chamber 
of Deputies. Members of this union are 
carrying on a campaign by posters and by 
speeches at mass meetings against the depu- 
ties who in the session of the* last legisla- 
ture obstructed by their votes the reinstate- 
ment of the railroad laborers who had been 
discharged by the operating companies as 
the result of the strike of 1910. 

The General Association of Postal 
Clerks, Telegraphers and Telephone Oper- 
ators, which, though not affiliated with the 
C. G. T., is nevertheless inspired by its 
methods and its tactics, undertakes a simi- 
lar propaganda: it indicates to the voters 
the candidates who have agreed to defend 
its demands in parliament. 

It is, of course, obvious that campaigns 
with such platforms are not, properly 
speaking, electoral campaigns, and are in 

no wise inconsistent with the program of 
political neutrality accepted by the syndi- 
cates, since it is merely with the aim to de- 
fend certain economic interests that such 
campaigns are undertaken. Moreover, it is 
plain enough that they can not be directed 
against the representatives or the candi- 
dates of the Socialist Party, — on the con- 
trary, they can only be favorable to them, 
since the Socialist representatives were the 
only ones who, on every occasion, defended 
the demands of the railway workers, while 
the Socialist candidates are, from the fact 
of their opinions, won over in advance to 
the demands of the postal employes. 

But apart -from cases of this order, which 
arise especially in the unions of workers 
employed by the State, the labor organiza- 
tions do not mix in political struggles. 
Naturally this is not the same with union 
men, who, as far as they are personally 
concerned, have full liberty, outside the 
unions, to participate in these agitations or 
not, and who do as they like. Some even, 
as I pointed out above, come out for can- 
didates of the capitalist parties, without any 
one becoming excited over it. But* it should 
be noted that these are becoming less and 
less numerous. And this goes to show that 
the syndicates form an admirable environ- 
ment of social culture, in which, very 
quickly, workers who have come in with 
"moderate" opinions are transformed into 
convinced revolutionists, and that without 
any direct propaganda being exerted on 

The most typical fact illustrating what I 
have said is the evolution of the syndicate 
of metal workers at Hennebont. When, 
for the first time, a delegate from the 
Metal Workers' Federation attended a 
meeting of this syndicate, a Catholic priest 
was seated at the desk. The delegate took 
no precaution against offending him and 
went on with his propaganda regardless of 
him. When, two or three years later, the 
workers of Hennebont were in conflict with 
their employers, the Catholic clergy 
promptly took up the cause of the latter. 
What happened then ? The strikers under- 
stood of their own accord, thanks to that 
brutal fact, what no theoretical reasoning 
would have proved to them; they under- 
stood that, under their flattering exterior, 
the clergy had joined hands with the ex- 
ploiters of labor, and these men who, the 

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day before, were pious communicants, lost 
all interest in worship. 

Thus it appears that, as a general rule, 
although no systematic Socialist propa- 
ganda is carried on inside the unions, they 
are an excellent school of Socialism, — in 
the larger and more idealistic sense of the 

What could be more natural? Where 
else is the class struggle which inevitably 
opposes the wage-worker to the capitalist 
more obvious than in the syndicate? 

And it is precisely because this formal 
opposition between workers and employers 
is more sensible, more visible here than in 
any other organization, that the syndicates, 
under the logical impulse of facts, have not 
limited themselves to the defense of the 
immediate interests of their members and 
to the conquest of partial concessions. That 
is why, broadening their horizon, they also 
concern themselves with the future, plan 
for the complete emancipation of the work- 
ing class, and set before themselves as a 
final aim the abolition of the wage system 
and of the employing class. 

True, the remembrance of the glorious 
revolutionary record of the French prole- 
tariat has had much to do. with this align- 
ment of syndicalism, — a revolutionary rec- 
ord with which it has been careful to con- 
nect itself by claiming to be the successor of 
the International Workingmen's Associa- 

We will not stop to inquire into the 
exact legitimacy of this claim, but we 
may be sure that the vivifying idealism 
that permeates French syndicalism is the 
cause of its special and characteristic 
features. Elsewhere, as in France, the 
line is drawn between the economic 
action of the unions and the political 
action of the Socialist parties. Elsewhere, 
as here, the unions claim for themselves 
neutrality, from the political and parlia- 
mentarian viewpoint. But while else- 
where the unions consider that their 
action must be limited to the closed field 
of the capitalist system, and abandon 
everything outside this to the Socialist 
parties, leaving to them the task of 
working-class emancipation — here the 
unions are better in that they are not 
neutral from the social point of view, 
since they have hammered out a working 
theory which proclaims that the laborers, 
if union men, must regard the revolu- 
tionary transformation of society as in- 

evitable, and since the unions urge the 
men on to prepare for it. 

In one sense, this ideal of emancipa- 
tion which syndicalism makes its own 
has points of contact with the ideal of the 
Socialist party. But there is an im- 
portant difference, namely, that while the 
latter pursues its aim by political 
methods, the action of the unions ap- 
pears only on the economic field. Now, 
it is this clear line of division between 
the field of syndicalism and that of the 
Socialist party which permits them to 
move on parallel lines without encroach- 
ing upon each other in the least. Yes, 
both direct their efforts toward a com- 
mon end, only, since both keep to the 
methods of action in which each is the 
more efficient, there is no superfluous 
duplication of effort between their two 

For example, the essential thing, if 
friction and regrettable irritations are to 
be avoided, is that the independence and 
autonomy of the syndicalist movement 
and the Socialist party be complete and 
never be endangered. And it is pre- 
cisely because the C. G. T., very jealous 
of its independence and its autonomy, 
has had some reason to fear at any mo- 
ment an attack or at least an act of inter- 
ference on the part of the Socialist party, 
that it has appeared so skittish. 

But these things are already ancient 
history. Today, experience has proved 
the tremendous advantage, both for 
syndicalism and for the Socialist party, 
of evolving each in its own sphere, of 
following each its own current without 
mixing the waters. Thus the old pre- 
cautions against interference are grad- 
ually disappearing. 

The best symptom of this absence of 
hostility is the instant agreement for a 
definite propaganda which in times of 
danger has united the militants of the 
Confederation and those of the Socialist 
party. Thus, when it was a question of 
creating a current of opinion in opposi- 
tion to the threatened continental war, 
or again, when a campaign was needed 
against the militarist craze and the three- 
years service law, demonstrations and 
meetings were arranged with speakers 
from the C. G. T. and the Socialist party 
on the same platform. 

These acts of mutual help from day to 

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day have brought added strength to the 
propaganda which justified them. More- 
over, they have fortified the position of 
the C. G. T. by demonstrating that its 

autonomy is henceforth secure. Thus, 
from this double point of view, their con- 
sequences could not have been more for- 

Homestead and Ludlow 


THE twenty-two years which lie be- 
tween Homestead and Ludlow em- 
brace a series of bloody and historic 
battles in the class war in the 
United States. 

The battle between the organized steel 
workers and the Carnegie- Pinkerton thugs 
which stirred the whole nation occurred on 
July 1, 1892; the Rockefeller massacre at 
Ludlow, which shocked the world, on April 
20, 1914. 

In recalling Homestead I have been 
struck by the similarity of methods em- 
ployed there and at Ludlow to crush the 
strikers, and by some other features com- 
mon to both that have suggested a review 
of Homestead in the light of Ludlow, that 
we may the better understand their his- 
toric connection and at the same time see 
Ludlow in the light of Homestead. 

As Ludlow is so recent and so vivid in 
the public memory and its horrors still so 
fresh in the minds of all, I need not review 
this appalling industrial massacre here, but 
w r ill occupy the space in reviewing the es- 
sential facts about Homestead for the pur- 
pose of study and comparison. 

Andrew Carnegie incarnated triumphant 
and despotic capitalism at Homestead in 
July, 1892, just as John D. Rockefeler did 
at Ludlow in April, 1914. 

Carnegie, reducing the wages of the four 
thousand employes in his steel mills from 
15 to 40 per cent, transforming his mills 
into forts, with three hundred Pinkerton 
hirelings armed with Winchester rifles in 
command, fled to his castle in Scotland to 
escape the storm about to break. In vain 
was he appealed to by the whole country to 
cable the word that would end the bloody 
conflict, exactly as John D. Rockefeller, 
twenty-two years later, refused to utter the 
word that would have prevented the mas- 
sacre at Ludlow. 

That was and is Carnegie, who, with 
Rockefeller, is famed as a philanthropist, 
but whom history will pillory as cold- 
blooded murderers. 

Homestead will haunt Carnegie and Lud- 
low will damn Rockefeller to the last hour 
of their lives and the memory of their 
basely murdered victims will load their 
names with infamy to the end of time. 

It was in 1889, after he had become a 
plutocrat, that Carnegie began to write and 
preach about the "Gospel of Wealth," 
which was being exploited as oracular wis- 
dom and as the quintessence of philan- 
thropy by the grovelling and sycophantic 
capitalist press, purely because it was the 
gush and outpouring of a pompous pluto- 

Carnegie deliberately plotted and pre- 
pared for the Homestead massacre, but 
was too cowardly to face it. He placed 
Henry C. Frick, then his lieutenant, in 
charge and then put the wide Atlantic be- 
tween himself and Homestead before the 
fuse was lighted that set off the destruc- 
tive battery. 

At the time of this historic conflict I was 
editing the Locomotive Firemen's Maga- 
zine and I shall here reproduce from its 
columns what I had to say about this event 
at the time of its occurrence. I remember 
the intense excitement as if it had been but 
yesterday, but there was no class-conscious 
labor movement or press, such as we have 
today, to interpret Homestead in the light 
of the class struggle. I myself had not yet 
become a Socialist, although I was heart 
and soul with the steel workers, did all in 
my power to support them, and to that ex- 
tent was alive to the nature of the struggle 
in which they were engaged. 

The Amalgamated Association of Iron 
and Steel Workers, the most powerful 
union then in existence, was the union then 

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involved and almost identically the same 
brutal method was employed to crush that 
organization that is now being employed to 
wipe out the United Mine Workers in 

Carnegie used an army of Pinkerton 
hirelings and Rockefeller an army of Bald- 
win-Feltz thugs. The only difference was 
that at Homestead, twenty-two years ago. 
the plutocrats had not yet learned how to 
murder pregnant women and roast babes 
to death in the exemplification of their 
'•Gospel of Wealth." 

The following, quoted from my articles 
reviewing Homestead in the Locomotive 
Firemen's Magazine for August, 1892, will, 
I venture to believe, be of interest to those 
who have been shocked by Ludlow and are 
students of the system and of the struggle 
in which such atrocious crimes against the 
working class are possible: 

"The four thousand employes of Carnegie & 
Co., at Homestead. Pa., have been engaged for 
years in pouring capital into the lap of capi- 
tal, content if they could build for themselves 
humble homes, obtain the necessities of life, 
rear their children as becomes American citi- 
zents, and save a few dollars for a 'rainy day/ 
for sickness and old age, and secure for them- 
selves a decent burial. 

"By virtue of their brain and brawn, their 
skill, and muscle, their fidelity to duty, Home- 
stead grew in importance. It obtained a world- 
wide fame. The chief proprietor, Andrew Car- 
negie, a Scotchman by birth, an aristocrat by 
inclination, and a Christian with Christ ommit- 
ted, waxed fat in wealth while the men toiled 
on. The works spread out, area expanded, 
buildings and machinery increased, night and 
day the forges blazed and roared, the anvils 
rang, wheels revolved, and still Carnegie grew 
in opulence. Taking his place among the mil- 
lionaires of the world, he visits his native land 
and sensation follows sensation as he dazzles 
lords and ladies, dukes and dudes, by the dis- 
play of his wealth in highland and lowland. 

"All the while four thousand or more of the 
hardy sons of toil keep the machinery at 
Homestead in operation. The Monongahela 
is not more ceaseless in its flow than are Car- 
negie's workingmen in their devotion to his 
interests. Suddenly Carnegie, to use a phrase, 
'gets religion/ and begins to blubber about the 
duty of rich men to the poor. He out-phari- 
seed all the pharisees who made broad their 
phylacteries and made long prayers on the 
corners of the streets in Jerusalem that they 
might be seen of men, while they were 'devour- 
ing widows' houses' and binding burdens on 
the backs of men grievous to be borne, for 
Carnegie, bent on show and parade, seeking 
applause, ambitious of notoriety, concluded to 
bestow a portion of his plunder to build 
libraries bearing nis name to perpetuate his 

"This Andrew Carnegie, in 1889, began to 
preach his 'Gospel of Wealth/ the purpose of 
which was to demonstrate that wealth creates 
'rigid castes/ not unlike those that exist in 
India among the followers of the Brahmin re- 
ligion, the Carnegies being the priests and the 
workingmen the pariahs, and this Brahminism 
of wealth being established, Carnegie, the 
author of the 'gospel/ lays back on his couch 
of down and silk and writes, this condition 'is 
best for the race because it insures the survival 
of the fittest/ 

"Andrew Carnegie, who for a quarter of a 
century has coined the sweat and blood and 
the life of thousands into wealth until his for- 
tune exceeds many times a million, proclaims 
'that upon the sacredness of property civiliza- 
tion itself depends/ This Carnegie, a combina- 
tion of flint and steel, plutocrat and pirate. 
Scotch terrier and English bull dog, rioting in 
religious rascality, attempts to show that he is 
animated by 'Christ's spirit/ and remembering 
that when Christ wanted 'tribute money' to 
satisfy Caesar, He told Peter to go to the sea 
and cast a hook, catch a fish and in its mouth 
the required funds would be found, Carnegie 
and his Phipps and Frick, wanting cash where- 
with to pay tribute to Mammon, have cast 
hooks into the sea of labor and securing from 
five thousand to ten thousand bites a day, have 
hauled in that number of workingmen and 
taken from their mouths such sums as their 
greed demanded wherewith to enlarge their 
fortunes and enable them, with autocratic 
pomp and parade, to take the place of Jumbos 
in the procession. 

"Under the influence of his 'Gospel of 
Wealth/ Carnegie, having prospered prodig- 
iously, having millions at his command, con- 
cluded the time had arrived for him to array 
himself in purple and parade before the people 
of Great Britain. He was ambitious of ap- 
plause. He wanted to sit in an open carriage 
drawn by a half dozen spanking high steppers 
and hear the roar of the groundlings as the 
procession moved along the streets. In the 
United States Carnegie was not held in much 
higher esteem than 
t j j 'Robert Kidd as he sailed/ 
Indeed, the freebooter never robbed as many 
men as Andrew Carnegie, though their methods 
were somewhat different. Kidd never wrote 
a Gospel of Wealth/ He never played the 
role of hypocrite. When he struck a rich prize 
on the high seas, captured the valuables, killed 
the crew and sunk the ship, he did not go 
ashore and bestow his booty to build a church 
or found a library, but, like Carnegie, he was 
influenced by a Gospel of Wealth/ which was 
to get all he could and live luxuriously while he 
.ved and then, like the rich man spoken of in 
the rsew Testament, go to 'hell/ 

"Kidd had heartless lieutenants, cold-blooded 

en«n! n tn w r ' V 9 ^ douht l d if he had one 
equal to H. C. Frick. into whose hands Car- 
negie when he left home for his triumphal 
march through Scotland, committed all power 
over the Homestead workingmen. The fellow 
Frick was not long in laying his plans to 
reduce the workingmen at Homestead to the 
condition of serfs. 

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"To do this wages must be reduced from 15 
to 40 per cent. Having less wages, the work- 
ingmen must have less of the necessities and 
comforts of life, they must be subjected to 
privations, must begin the downward road of 
degradation. Their homes must be darkened. 
Contentment must give way to unrest, har- 
mony to discord. Regard for the employer 
must be transformed into hate, and the once 
smiling, joyous, happy Homestead be trans- 
formed into pandemonium. 

"It is just here that Carnegie's 'Gospel of 
Wealth* has its practical application. The Car- 
negie steel works at Homestead employ, say, 
4,000 men; that is the current estimate. The 
fellow Frick proposes to reduce the wages of 
these men from 15 to 40 per cent, an average 
of 2iy 2 per cent, and this reduction, whatever 
it may amount to, is sheer robbery, unadulter- 
ated villainy. , It is an exhibition of the 
methods by ; which Christless capitalists rob 
labor, and this is done while the brazen pirates 
prate of religion and the 'Spirit of Christ;' who 
plunder labor that they may build churches, 
endow universities and found libraries. Is it 
required to say that hell is full of such blather- 

"But direct and immediate robbery on the 
part of these plutocratic pharisees is not the 
only purpose they have in view, nor, perhaps, 
the chief purpose. They have in view the 
abolition, the annihilation of labor organiza- 
tions. This purpose, on the' part of the fellow 
Frick, is now openly avowed. It was the 
Order of the Amalgamated Iron Workers that 
antagonized the reduction of wages from 15 
to 40 per cent. The men would not submit 
to robbery. They comprehended the intent of 
Carnegie's ,'Qospel of Wealth.' They knew it 
to be a gospel of piracy rather than of peace. 
They saw Frick's operations to transform the 
Homestead steel works into a fort. They saw 
the murderous devices perfected to kill by elec- 
tricity and scalding water. Carnegie's gospel 
was finding expression in numerous plans for 
wholesale murder. But the workingmen were 
not intimidated. They saw the shadows of 
coming events but their courage dfd not desert 
them. They themselves had built these steel 
works. From their toil had flowed a ceaseless 
stream of wealth into the coffers of Carnegie 
and his associates. Around these works they 
had built their cottages and had hoped to live 
in them the remainder of their days. They 
made no unusual demand for wages. It was 
the same old 'scale.' There was no good 
reason for its change. Still they were willing 
to concede something to the greedy capitalists. 
They were willing to make some concession in 
the interest of peace. Having done this they 
resolved to stand by their rights and to resist 
oppression and degradation. 

What is the plea of Frick? By virtue of the 
capital these workingmen have created Carne- 
gie had been able to introduce new machinery, 
whereby it was claimed the men could make 
better wages, and it was resolved that the men 
should not be the beneficiaries of the improved 
machinery; only Carnegie & Co. should pocket 
the proceeds. Such was the teaching of the 

'Gospel of Wealth.' The pariahs were to re- 
main pariahs forever. 

"The day of the lockout came, July 1, 1892. 
The steel works at Homestead were as silent 
as a cemetery. The workingmen were remand- 
ed to idleness. Their offense was that they 
wanted fair wages — the old scale — and that 
they were members of a powerful labor organ- 
ization, created to resist degradation. 

"Between July t and the morning of July 
6, unrest was universal; excitement increased 
with every pulse-beat. The workingmen had 
charge of Homestead. Frick was in exile, but 
he was not quiet. He wanted possession of 
the steel works. His purpose was to introduce 
scabs, to man Fort Frick; to get his dynamos 
to work and send streams of electricity along 
his barbed wires, to touch which was death. 
He wanted to have seas of hot water to be 
sent on its scalding, death-dealing mission if 
a discharged workingman appoached the 
works. He wanted the muzzle of a Winchester 
rifle at every port-hole in the fence, and behind 
it a thug to send a quieting bullet through the 
head or the heart of any man who deemed it 
prudent to resist oppression. 

"What was the scheme? To introduce 
Pinkerton thugs armed with Winchester rifles, 
a motley gang of vagabonds mustered from the 
slums of the great cities; pimps and parasites, 
outcasts, abandoned wretches of every grade; 
a class of characterless cut-throats who mur- 
der for hire; creatures in the form of humans 
but as heartless as stones. Frick's reliance was 
upon an army of Christless whelps to carry 
into effect Carnegie's 'Gospel of Wealth.' 

"Oh, men, who wear the badge of labor! 
Now is the time for you in fancy at least to 
go to Homestead. You need to take in the 
picture of the little town on the bank of the 
Monongahela. You peer through the morning 
mists and behold the Frick flotilla approaching, 
bearing to the landing three hundred armed 
Pinkertons, each thug with a Winchester and 
all necessary ammunition to murder Home- 
stead workingmen. The plot of Frick was 
hellish from its inception. There is nothing 
to parallel it in conflicts labor has had since 
Noah built his ark. No man with a heart in 
him can contemplate Frick's scheme without 
a shudder. 

"The alarm had been sounded. The Home- 
stead workingmen were on the alert. They 
were the 'minute men,' such as resisted the 
British troops at Concord and Lexington in 
1775. The crisis hod come. Nearer and nearer 
approached Frick's thugs. Four thousand 
workingmen are on guard. Now, for Carne- 
gie's 'Gospel of Wealth.' In quick succession 
rifle reports ring out from the 'Model Barges' 
and workingmen bite the dust. Homestead 
is now something more than the seat of the 
Carnegie steel works. It is a battlefield, and 
from Thermopylae to Waterloo, from Concord 
to Yorktown, from Bull's Run to Appomattox 
there is not one which to workingmen is so 
fraught with serious significance. 

"Amidst fire and smoke, blood and dying 
groans, the workingmen stood their ground 
with Spartan courage. It was shot for shot, 

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and the battle continued until Frick's thugs 
surrendered and left the workingmen at 
Homestead masters of the field. A number of 
the thugs were killed! others were wounded 
and the remainder, demoralized, were glad to 
surrender and return to the slums from which 
they were hired by Frick. 

"Rid of the gang of mercenary murderers, 
the workingmen proceeded to bury their dead 
comrades, the gallant men who preferred 
death to degradation, and who are as deserv- 
ing of monuments as was ever a soldier who 
died in defense of country, flag or home. Of 
these, there were 10 who were killed outright 
on the morning of the battle. 

"The fiend Frick, of coke region infamy, is 
the man directly responsible for the Home- 
stead tragedies, and the blood of the murdered 
men are blotches upon his soul, which the fires 
of hell will only make more distinct, and still 
this monster simply represents a class of 
Christless capitalists who are now engaged in 
degrading workingmen for the purpose of filch- 
ing from them a portion of their earnings that 
they may roll in the luxuries which wealth 

"Carnegie wires from his triumphal march 
through Scotland that he has no word of ad- 
vice to give, and constitutes Frick the Nero 
of Homestead, consenting thereby to the em- 
ployment of Pinkertons to murder his old and 
trusted employes. 

"It would be easy to reproduce here the 
arguments pro and con, showing the underly- 
ing causes which led to the murder of work- 
ingmen at Homestead. But we do not care 
to introduce them here, except in so far as 
the fact is brought out that the country has 
a class of capitalists who conduct vast indus- 
trial enterprises and who, not content with 
honest dividends upon honest investments, are 
ceaselessly seeking to rob labor of its legiti- 
mate rewards, and the better to accomplish 
their nefarious designs are determined to 
break up, if possible, labor organizations, the 
one barrier that keeps them from accomplish- 
ing their purpose. 

"The Homestead slaughter of workingmen 
must serve to remind the armies of labor of 
what is in store for them if the Carnegies, the 
Phippses and the Fricks can, by the aid of 
Pinkertons, come out victorious. 

"It occurs to us that the Homestead trage- 
dies wfll serve to bind labor organizations in 

closer union. If not, then the blood of work- 
ingmen, as it calls from the ground, exhorting 
the living to emulate the courage of the men 
who fell at Homestead, might as well call upon 
a herd of 'dumb, driven cattle.' 

"Ralph Waldo Emerson wrote of the first 
shot at Concord and Lexington on the 20th of 
April. 1775, as 'The Shot Heard Round the 
World/ The first shot of the Pinkertons at 
Homestead has been heard around the world, 
and its reverberations ought to continue until 
the statutes of all the states make the employ- 
ment of Pinkerton thugs murder in the first 

"It required Lexington, Concord and Bunker 
Hill to arouse the colonies to resistance, and 
the battle of Homestead should serve to arouse 
every workingman in America to a sense of 
the dangers which surround them." 

It will be seen by the foregoing, written 
twenty-two years ago, that there is much in 
Homestead to remind us of Ludlow and 
much in both to emphasize the absolute 
necessity for the economic and political 
solidarity of the working class. 

It is interesting to note that Lexington 
and Ludlow occured on the same day. The 
shot that was "heard around the world" 
and was the signal for the American politi- 
cal revolution was fired on Apirl 20, 1775 
and 139 years later, to a day, on April 20, 
1914, the shot was fired that made Ludlow 
more historic than Lexington and that will 
prove, as we believe, the signal for the 
American industrial revolution. 

There is much more in the way of strik- 
ing analogy between Homestead and Lud- 
low that appeals for comment, but space 
forbids further review at this time. 

Homestead, although finally lost, put an 
end to Pinkertonism as it was known twen- 
ty-two years ago and Ludlow, before it is 
over, will put an end not only to govern- 
ment by gunmen and assassination, but to 
the infamous system under which these 
hideous crimes against the working class 
have been perpetrated. 

Sounds Good to Us. — "Killisnoo, Alaska. 
Enclosed you will find the last dollar that I 
have at this time. I would rather go to bed 
hungry for a few nights than to go without 
the International Socialist Review. — Yours 
very truly, J. P." 

A Good Word from Australia. — "The litera- 
ture we have obtained from you is doing 
splendid work. It is the bed rock on which 
we are building up the revolutionary spirit. 
All we want is to educate the crowd on class 
conscious lines. Nothing else matters and all 
else will follow."— E. H. L. 

Digitized by 



Wkite Wolf 


THE devoutest hope a Socialist can 
express at the present time about 
China is that the bandit, "White 
Wolf," may turn out as successful 
a bandit as Pancho Villa. "White Wolf" 
is spreading terror among the gentry of 
the West of China today very similar to 
the consternation Villa was spreading a few 
years ago among the cientifkos of the 
North of Mexico. Like the Villa of those 
clays, White Wolf is always being captured 
and his forces annihilated by some fearless 
commander in the pay pf the Government. 
His soldiers have been represented as 
bloodthirsty ruffians, and his designs as 
nothing more than pillage and plunder — 
and the constant disturbance of Loranorder, 
that twentieth century fetich more barbar- 
ous jhan any mud idol in China. But 
whether murdered by one of his own cow- 
ardly band, or slain by some fearless officer 
of the Republic, White Wolf is always up 
and at it again somewhere else, and his 
army of bandits looms up an ever greater 
menace to the tottering peace of the Chi- 
nese Republic. 

White Wolf has ravaged four provinces 
since last November — Honan, Hupeh, 
Shensi and Kansu — the heart of west cen- 
tral China just north of the Yang-tse river. 
His insurrection covers too wide an area 
to be reckoned as local. It is part of a 
wave of national discontent. And what- 
ever may be White Wolf's own political 
opinions, as distinct from those of the peas- 
antry from which he sprang, it is an open 
secret that his military operations have the 
support of a national revolutionary organi- 
zation. This revolutionary organization, 
there is hardly need to say, is composed of 
the Skme determined men who put through 
the Revolution of 1911, but whom Presi- 
dent Yuan Shih-K'ai's coup d'etat of last 
summer drove from the country they had 
wrested from Manchu rule. A formidable 
rebellion for Dr. Sun's cause flared up last 
December in far-away Yunnan, the moun- 
tainous province of the southwest, China's 
Colorado. Widespread plots are known to 
be hatching in Canton and Wuchang, the 
centers of the 1911 Revolution. And as 
news of revolt after revolt is brought up to 


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Peking, always one reads that the strength 
of White Wolf increases. Only the other 
day the regular troops at Sianfu, the capi- 
tal of the great province of Shensi, 
mutinied en masse on the approach of the 
brigand leader and turned the city over to 
his army. The whole country is plainly 
stirring with symptoms of another tu- 
multuous change. 

And there is little wonder. For China is 
feeling today, as never before, the iron heel 
of a patient and pitiless tyranny. Before 
the Manchus were thrown out China vir- 
tually had no government at all. While the 
enlightened revolutionists were in control 
the mighty inertia of Chinese civilization 
was transformed into as mighty a momen- 
tum toward national regeneration. Good 
government began to be born and the pio- 
neers in scores of spheres of social and 
political effort that had never before been 
engaged in were American-educated ex- 
students, or, better, graduates from schools 
in China strongly influenced by the state 
socialism boldly advocated by Dr. Sun and 
his associates. 

Their activities threw the foreign bank- 
ers and exploiters who make their living 
out of China's weakness into a panic of 
apprehension. At the earliest moment, 
therefore, they backed the "strong man" 
most amenable of being their tool, and 
forced his election as temporary, then per- 
manent president of the Republic. They 
helped him crush one cabinet after an- 
other with the bludgeon of the Six Power 
Loan. They gave lavishly of their moral 
and financial support when Yuan set out to 
extinguish the last of the revolutionary 
party last summer. When he arrested the 
Constitutional Party members of Parlia- 
ment en masse and sent them under armed 
escort to their homes, they applauded still 
more vigorously. He dissolved the Parlia- 
ment that was left, crushed the provincial 
assemblies, tore up the Revolutionary Con- 
stitution and appointed a committee to 
write a new one, abolished the free press, 
reestablished the worship of Confucius with 
himself as the sacrosanct religious head of 
the state — all these things he did and more 
quite as blindly despotic and reactionary, 
and still dollar diplomacy smiled approval 
and continued to spin for the world another 
"strong man" legend such as they wove in 
Mexico for that miserable pasteboard 
statesman, Porfirio Diaz. 

Meanwhile the China which amazed the 
world in the nation-wide enthusiasm for 
constitutional freedom she displayed in 
1911 sees all her new-found liberties con- 
temptuously dragged in the dust of a mili- 
tary dictatorship, her expanding initiative 
toward a finer civilization blighted by the 
horde of the parasites whose expulsion was 
the chiefest and most passionate purpose 
of the Revolution. 

A year ago today China might be said to 
be the only nation in Asia to have a free 
press. There were almost a thousand daily 
newspapers in the country, representing 
every phase of opinion, uncensored and un- 
censorable by the Nanking Constitution. 
In scores of cities, newspapers were 
founded where none had ever existed be- 
fore. Most of these were founded by the 
Southern party, and told the truth about 
corrupt officialdom to the people for the 
first time. The number of newspaper 
readers quintupled in two years throughout 
this vast empire. 

Then came the reaction. The editor of 
the China Democrat (Chung Hwa Nun 
Pao), a graduate of the University of Illi- 
nois, and a former secretary to Dr. Sun, 
was put in jail for six months by the foreign 
court in Shanghai for approving of the 
Second Revolution. The China Republican, 
the Revolutionist daily paper in English on 
which the present writer served for two 
months, immediately left the Iitfernational 
Settlement and placed itself under the pro- 
tection of the Republican authorities of the 
French Concession in Shanghai. French 
liberty gave them three weeks, then the 
French police nailed up the doors, and the 
editors fled to Japan, the editor-in-chief, 
Ma Soo, being seen off by a file of French 
marines to make sure he left the country. 

These two episodes sounded the knell of 
China's free press. Ten papers were closed 
in Canton in a single day. In Hankow five 
editors were shot, in Peking every opposi- 
tion paper was wrecked by soldiers. By 
March of the present year not a single 
newspaper was left which had ever opposed 
sincerely the will of the government. Then 
this government proceeded to pass a series 
of press laws which are absolutely the last 
word in the world in the suppression of a 
free press. Today in China every news- 
paper must make a heavy deposit to the 
police for "good behavior," and must be 
directly responsible to the police for news, 

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editorial matter, and even advertisements. 
An idea of the latitude of this "police" dis- 
cretion (in most cities in China today the 
police are little more than paid bullies per- 
sonally responsible only to the local magis- 
trate and to those higher up) is gained 
from* the fact that they may censor any- 
thing which "misrepresents" the govern- 
ment, "disturbs the peace^" or reveals po- 
litical, diplomatic, or military secrets, and 
impose on the editor practically unlimited 
severity for these offenses in the way of 
fine and imprisonment. Finally, an elo- 
quent clue to the class the government 
really fears appears from the fact that pub- 
lishers, editors and printers must not be 
students, and must be more than thirty 
years of age. 

As the free press has gone, so also is 
bein^ destroyed the last semblance of re- 
publican government at Peking. Every 
official of known republican sympathies is 
being removed and his place filled by im- 
perialists of the old regime. The man who 
is giving this change a constitutional form 
is Liang Shih-yi, President Yuan's private 
secretary, and the most unscrupulous and 
contemptible personage in China today. 
Through his intrigues the Parliament has 
become a nominated assembly of his own 
sycophants and its name has been changed 
very significantly to the Grand Council, the 
purely decorative assembly of Manchu 
days. At the same magic touch the Cabi- 
net is now to become the Grand Secretariat, 
a committee of impotent sinecures. The 
present Cabinet will be reduced to the po- 
sition of department chiefs, with no col- 
lective authority whatsoever, and the Presi- 
dent is to be endowed by the new consti- 
tutional committee with supreme military 
and civil authority. 

Meanwhile the deposed Manchu boy em- 
peror sits in his private palace in Peking 
and bestows the sacred orders of his fathers 
upon one after another of his loyal fol- 
lowers who are being raised to high office 
in the Republic. Li Ching-hsi, the most no- 
torious pro-Manchu in Peking, and until 
yesterday head of the biggest Manchu 
Restoration movement in China, that 
among the Chinese of the German colony 
of Kiaochao, has actually been appointed 
chairman of the Grand Council itself. All 
the usages of Manchu times are coming 
back, the titles and elaborate official cere- 
monial, the knee-crooking salutations of 

Your Excellency, Your Honor, and the rest 
in place of the virile Republican "sien- 
seng," which for a time corresponded to 
the "citizen" of the French Revolution. 
And the Bureau of Merit, that naive ma- 
chine of peculation, has been working 
overtime. Hsiung Hsi-ling, the last prime 
minister, announced a month ago that in 
two years this hard-working committee of 
grafters had handed out thirty thousand 
"rewards for loyalty" and had put ten 
thousand persons on the official "compen- 
sation list." "If there were any republican 
spirit left in China," he said at that time, 
"this practice would not last overnight." 

The republican spirit in China is no 
longer a political party; the iron heel of 
the present Huertista government has made 
it a conspiracy. In this, the third year of 
the Republic, that conspiracy is becoming 
more formidable every month. The time 
must soon come when moderate reformers 
in China will be fixed on the same dilemma 
as that which faced the Girondins of the 
French Revolution. Yuan Shih-K'ai is 
leading them every day toward an absolute 
monarchy in which the monarch only is 
lacking. And the people are rising every 
day as the festering center of misgovern- 
ment in Peking spreads throughout the 
provinces. Canton, the originator of all of 
China's reform movements in our genera- 
tion, has seen gambling, prostitution and 
the opium traffic revived again intd the 
unholy activity of official protection after 
two years of the cleanest government that 
city has ever had. Nanking, sacked and 
blighted for years to come by the army of 
Chang Hsun's indescribable Huns who 
settled on it last October, has a score 
against the North which can only be wiped 
out by a Third Revolution, or, more justlv 
put, by the third inevitable chapter of the 
Great Revolution of 1911. 

But meanwhile, under the protection and 
with the full approval of the government, 
the foreign powers increase daily the ma- 
terial assets of their strangle hold upon the 
Chinese Republic. It is impossible to ex- 
aggerate the importance of the most mo- 
mentous grab of all, the oil concession in , 
northwest China to the Standard Oil. The 
fields of Chihli and Shansi provinces, cov- 
ered by the agreement, are claimed by ex- 
pert prospectors to be the greatest oi! 
deposits in the known world, greater in this 
single field than all the oil possibilities of 

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Mexico put together. China has relin- 
quished in her contract (made through the 
agency of the United States Embassy) all 
the rights to this vast wealth worth having. 
She keeps the land title, as land in China 
still belongs to the people, but she assigns 
the majority control in exploiting the oil 
and in controlling the affairs of the enter- 
prise as a whole in perpetuity to the most 
unscrupulous body of financial adventurers 
in the world. For years the Rockefeller 
interests have been after this deal. It is 
not known how many times the Manchus 
turned them down. But Sun Yat Sen re- 
fused a loan of $125,000,000 when his gov- 
ernment was in the midst of its bitterest 
money stringency rather than barter away 
the inalienable possibilities of his country 
to men he knew were enemies of every 
principle on which his government was 

But a man is in the seat of power now 
who has the proper complaisance in these 
matters. There is no question in the world 
but what Yuan is "fixed." The flood of 
railroad concessions alone which have been 
obtained in China since his accession to 
absolute power are enough to expose th^ 
alien dictation on which his power depends. 
The French have a coiicession from Yun- 
nan, the province they are busily trying to 
isolate from China, up into the heart of the 
Yang-tse Basin, there connecting with the 
great Russo-Belgian project which will 
eventually furnish the long fought for short 
cut to Russia via Mongolia. The British 
have strengthened their hold on the upper 
Yangtse by the same means, and the Ger- 
mans have forced Chinese assent to a net- 
work of railway connections in southern 
Shantung tending to make their ninety- 
nine years' leased port of Tsingtao the 
metropolis of maritime China. During the 
past two years the "open door" fiction has 

been exploded beyond recall. Japan has 
fortified her trade in Manchuria so com- 
pletely that the economic government of 
this great province is administered not from 
Peking but from Tokio. She has drawn a 
circle round the mainland facing her island 
of Formosa and in a year or two at the 
most will add Fukien and its hinterland of 
Kiangsi, in the very heart of China, to her 
"sphere of influence." Germany in Shan- 
tung, France in Yunnan and Kwangsi, 
England in Thibet and Kwangtung, and 
Russia in Mongolia and north Manchuria, 
have in point of fact already made the par- 
tition of China a virtual status quo which 
modern diplomacy lends its whole prestige 
to uphold. And America, the traditional 
"friend of China," steps in in the person of 
the oil interests, and the tobacco interests, 
and the other great and powerful interests, 
and marks off not mere geographical 
"spheres of interest," bat vast markets of 
economic products which take with them 
the very life-blood of the commercial des- 
tiny of China. 

The foreign policy of capitalism is no- 
where in the world more brutally plain than 
here. That capitalism must literally and 
inevitably tend to make liberal political in- 
stitutions a farce is here, being demon- 
strated in a way that brings more convic- 
tion with every successive unrolling of the 
scroll of fate in China. The regenerative 
forces throughout the country are strug- 
gling to unloose again the tide of social 
reform which awakened the greatest nation 
in Asia in one unforgettable year. Here 
is their enemy, the blind destroyer of the 
initiative of reform, the iron heel grinding 
the faces of Young China and denying to 
its leaders the future they have foretold 
tor their country. 

China awaits her Pancho Villa. Her 
Carranza will be Sun Yat-Sen. 

Greek Workers in America 


X ORDER to make myself understood. 
I will first tell you something about 
Greece, the country where these work- 
ers came from. Greece, as all know, is 
a small country and, I am sorry to say, 
though it was once the greatest country in 

the world and possessed the most cultured 
people, is now, to use a common expres- 
sion, a back number. 

Modern industries have only begun to 
develop, and I must say that twenty-five 
years ago there was no modern industry of 

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any kind in Greece. Since there was no 
modern industry, there was no modern 
capitalism, and where there is no modern 
capitalism, there you will find no labor or- 
ganization or Socialist movement. So it is 
no more than logical to ,say that the Social- 
ists are nothing but the creatures of the 

At least 80 per cent of the Greeks coming 
to this country are either agrarian laborers 
or live-stock raisers. Try to imagine a 
Greek goat- or sheep-herder who was born 
and raised among the hills of sunny Greece, 
or the one who was tilling the soil with the 
old crude tools. Although these men lived 
in constant poverty, they had more free- 
dom than the wage slave of the cities. 
These men never saw a mine, factory, rail- 
road or other modern industry before com- 
ing to America. They never heard of a 
labor unoin or a labor strike and never 
heard the word "scab." 

They immigrated to this country with 
the hope of bettering their economic condi- 
tions, not knowing the true conditions 
existing here. They have often been used 
as strike breakers. It is only a littje over 
four years since the writer was in Salt 
Lake City, Utah. While there he heard of 
a Greek who .appeared to be very pros- 
perous and had made his money furnishing 
Greeks as strike breakers for the mines, 
railroads and smelters of the West. It is a 
known fact that Greeks, hired by these 
men, broke the strike in the smelters lo- 
cated near Salt Lake City. 

But now we hear reports that these same 
Greeks, on account of their ignorance, had 
been taken advantage of by their strike- 
breaking agents, for you must remember 
that these workers did not understand the 
English language. All they knew was that 
they had to get a job. For the workers 
have only their labor power to sell, and if 
they don't find a buyer they will have to 
starve. And hunger causes pain. It is a 
pity that we have to be governed by our 
stomachs, but, nevertheless, our stomach is 
our boss. 

But after these workers get from five to 
ten years' experience of wage-slavery and 
capitalist oppression, they have learned 
something. Capitalism is their tutor. Now 
we hear about these men revolting against 
unbearable conditions, and we also learn 
that they make some noble fighters in the 

class conflict. ' How true the words of Karl 
Marx seem: "Capitalism creates its own 
grave digger, the proletarian army." 

I want to state the purpose of this ar- 
ticle, and that is this — how much better it 
would be for every working man, who has 
reasoning power, instead of antagonizing 
the foreigners, to try and organize them 
and have them with you. Because the capi- 
talists will use them against you. The 
capitalist recognizes no race, nationality or 
creed. Why are the workers so foolish as 
to divide themselves? Get wise and don't 
be a scissor-bill. 

As a class-conscious working man, I ap- 
peal to all my fellow wage-slaves, regard- 
less of their race or creed, to organize 
industrially and politically, as a class. For 
only through the united action of the work- 
ing class industrially and politically will 
the workers ever emancipate themselves. 
The master class of the world stands to- 
gether to protect their material interests. 
Why do not the workers learn from their 
masters and do likewise? Workers of the 
world, your only enemy is your master. 
The masters in every class conflict have 
shot down working men, women and 
children, regardless of race or color. When 
the hired murderers of the mine owners in 
Colorado shot and killed and massacred 
women and children, they did not ask their 
race or color. It was enough that they 
were working people. The hirelings of 
capitalism have all in a chorus denounced 
these men, women and children as "lawless, 
savage South European peasants." This 
is only done to create prejudice in the 
minds of the American public and the 
American worker. It is indeed a poor ex- 
cuse and a mockery after shooting the 
miners' waives and children down like dogs, 
to try to shield themselves behind race 

Woe to the hands that shed this costly 
blood! Over the bodies of these martyrs 
do I prophesy that this foul deed will some 
day be avenged! And the spirit of Louis 
Tikas shall lead them on. O, Capitalism, 
Capitalism, thou marble-hearted fiend! 
You have starved us, outraged our 
mothers, wives and sisters; driven us to 
desperation, and we shall pay you back. 
Until every parasite has been put to work, 
let no wage slave rest ! 

Digitized by 


After Ludlow — Facts ana Thoughts 

IN the southern coal field there is a hard- 
working Socialist comrade — tried, true 
and well-informed. He is one of the 
many such who were misled into be- 
lieving that a rebirth of anarchism really 
endangered the Socialist movement in 1912. 
So he voted for Article II, Section 6 of 
the present Socialist Party constitution. 
But during the big fight he put on his war 
paint. The miners were attacking the 
militia and mine guards and burning a 
tipple here and there. Yet our comrade, 
hitherto so fearful of the use of physical 
force, was not satisfied with the results. 
He demanded action which should be re- 
membered for a while by the capitalists. 
Going to the officers of the U. M. W. of A. 
he asked for a force of thirty-five men : 

"What do you want to do with them ?" 

"Here is a list of the devils we want to 
get," he replied. "What's the use of killing 
a few mine guards and letting the 'men 
higher up* go untouched? Give me thirty- 
five men — good fighters — and I will hang 
this bunch to telephone poles. They are 
really responsible. That will have some 
effect. But I don't want any quitters in my 

For some reason or other his plan was 
not endorsed. When I talked with him he 
was still angry about it. "They never do 
a job right," he said to me. 

Snodgrass is the mine superintendent at 
De Logua. He is a stocky, sharp-eyed, 
ruddy-faced, iron-limbed man of thirty-five 
— just the sort of man the big corporation 
chooses to drive three hundred slaves to 
dig the greatest possible amount of coal 
for the least pay. On the day we called, 
Max Eastman, John Reed and I, Snod- 
grass had orders from above to tell his side 
of the story "just as it happened." So he 
entertained us for half an hour with tales 
of the wicked strikers and their evil works. 
"What caused the strike"? we asked. 

"Those agitators from the East," he re- 
plied. "They came from West Virginia. 
They have to stir up trouble somewhere to 
keep themselves in a job. The men were 

all right before they came on. They are 
a bad lot. John Mitchell wouldn't have 
that kind in his day. They stir up the men 
so. Even the Socialists won't stand for 
them. The Socialists are against violence." 

"Indeed, we thought that the Socialists 
were supporting the strikers," one of us 
put in. 

"Not at all ! Not at all ! Have you read 
that new Socialist book? It tells the truth 
about these labor agitators. It proves that 
they are all anarchists." 

"Who wrote it?" 

"Why, that great Socialist leader. 
What's his name ? Oh ! yes. Hunter, that's 
it. Robert Hunter. He certainly goes after 
the anarchists and trouble breeders." 

"Is that book being much read about 

"You bet it is. Everybody is reading it. 
I wouldn't have missed it for anything." 
Wit and Humor in Pueblo. 

Pueblo is John D's own town. Its big 
mill is the steel plant of the'Colorado Fuel 
& Iron Company. Pueblo has a popula- 
tion of 50,000 and looks, sounds and smells 
like Youngstown or New Castle. Of course 
all the respectables of Pueblo are boot- 
lickers of the C. F. & I. Company. A threat 
to move the plant or lay off men brings the 
petty-larceny business men, the real estate 
sharks and the preachers to their knees in 
five minutes. 

The small merchants and the high sal- 
aried clerks are organized into a Pueblo 
boosters' league called the "Commerce 
Club." Immediately after the Ludlow 
massacre this lovely bunch held a banquet. 
Whether or not this social occasion was to 
celebrate the "victory," I do not know. At 
any rate, amid cheers and drunken laugh- 
ter, the diners drank a toast to the dead 
women and children found in the black hole 
at Ludlow. This incident is by no means 
extraordinary in Colorado. It indicates 
the point at which capitalism here has ar- 
rived. Rotten to the core, the stench of 
this class rises on every hand in thick, 
nauseating fumes. It permeates the whole 


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of life here. The greatest murderer of 
all, General John C. Chase, is in private 
life, a "respected citizen" of Denver. By 
profession he is a dentist and he teaches 
dentistry in the medical college of the State 
University. He is a faithful member of a 
Christian church. 

The unspeakable Lieutenant Linderfelt, 
who murdered the unarmed Louis Tikas, 
was a student at Colorado College and his 
mother is a member of the Episcopal 
church at Colorado Springs. 

The Rev. Mr. Pingree, pastor of one of 
the largest Methodist churches in Denver, 
is Chaplain of the Colorado State Militia. 
After he returned from Ludlow he made a 
public speech defending his charges. He 
declared that "the. only way to rule those 
ignorant foreigners is by force. They are 
ruled by force in Europe. We must apply 
force here. It is the only form of gov- 
ernment they know enough to respect. 
Those who can't behave themselves mast 
be boxed up and sent back to where they 
came from." Such is Colorado Christian- 

Two women members of the Presbyte- 
rian church at Trinidad, one of them the 
wife of the Presbyterian clergyman, told 
Max Eastman, Elsa Meland (representing 
the Independent) and me that "The only 
way to deal with those ignorant foreigners 
wasr to kill them off." Of course it may be 
taken for granted that the parson's wife is 
an active member of the Presbyterian For- 
eign Missionary Society. This "good 
woman" also told us that "The miners 
themselves killed the women and children 
because they didn't want to feed them any 
longer. They were a drag on the Union." 
Such is the modern capitalist version of 
"Go ye unto all nations and preach the 

Where the Middle Class? 

Ludlow could not have happened in Wis- 
consin or Ohio. Not that the capitalists in 
the middle west are any better, but the old- 
fashioned middle class, the farmers and 
the city dwelling sons and daughters of 
farmers, is much stronger than in Colo- 
rado. In so far as there is a local "public 
sentiment" in Colorado it is but an outpour- 
ing of the soul of real estate. Everything 
in local life centers about this one matter. 
The real estate shark lives by grafting upon 

suckers from the East. An easterner can- 
not understand this type until he sees it in 
action. This is the most pernicious, lying, 
and utterly contemptible class of parasites 
in the whole world. Lately the unspeak- 
able gang which infests and rules Colorado 
Springs sold thousands of acres of dry land 
to poor eastern farmers. In their advertis- 
ing are shown pictures of the golden har- 
vests which are garnered upon these dry 
farms. Last winter the snow covered the 
mud huts in which these poor "suckers" 
lived. Their stock died of exposure. Peo- 
ple died of starvation. A few charitable 
persons from Colorado Springs made a 
trip through eastern El Paso county in the 
spring and found hundreds of these crea- 
tures so starved that they looked like pic- 
tures of Hindoo or Chinese famine victims. 
The visitors returned and called for contri- 
butions of food and clothing. The real 
estate sharks said it wasn't so — it couldn't 
be true, etc. The matter, of course, was 
hushed up — it never got into the papers. 

A motion was introduced at a meeting of 
the Board of Aldermen in Colorado 
Springs providing for the muzzling of dogs 
through the summer months. The hard- 
ware merchants favored it. Owners of 
dogs oposed it, of course, and the proposi- 
tion had little chance of being accepted. 
Then its sponsor thought of a telling: argu- 
ment: "Mad dogs will bite tourists and 
when our guests for the summer are in the 
hospital they will spend no money seeing 
the sights. For Heaven's sake protect the 
tourists. They will go away if dogs are 
unmuzzled." The motion passed and be- 
came law. 

This class, which controls the merchants, ' 
the smaller newspapers, the churches and 
the schools, are venomous against the strik- 
ers "because they injure the fair name of 
Colorado back East." That is the secret 
of the whole aftermath of Ludlow. It was 
excused, covered up — forgotten. At Boul- 
der, where I spoke at an open-air meeting 
of the Socialist Party, I told the story of 
the strike. I was mobbed by a well dressed 
crowd and eggs aplenty were thrown at me. 
In Boulder the citizens committee organ- 
ized, a hundred strong, to go to Louisville 
and shoot strikers. This crowd of patriots 
included a professor of law in the State 
University, which is located at Boulder. 

Digitized by 




These murderers were prevented from 
glutting their appetites only because the 
railroad men absolutely refused to haul 
them to Louisville. Such is the middle class 
in Colorado — a greedy, gambling lot of 
money-grubbers, nine-tenths of them fail- 
ures — who would stop at nothing in the 
game of getting rich quick. 

The Progressive Party in Colorado. 

This middle class divided into the Demo- 
cratic and Progressive Parties constitute 
the "reform" element in Colorado public 

The "Progressive" Party is today torn to 
shreds by factional fighting. It is com- 
posed, politically, of three distinct elements. 
On top is a crowd of reactionary Rocke- 
feller politicians. The chief of these is 
State Chairman Clarence P. Dodge, owner 
and editor of the Colorado Springs Gazette. 
Mr. Dodge is one of the bunch who left the 
Republican state organization because they 
could not get it away from shrewder men. 
His attitude toward the striking miners is 
clearly indicated by what he did directly 
after Ludlow. 

At that time the assistant editor of the 
Gazette was an intelligent and active young 
Progressive named McClintock. In the ab- 
sence of his chief (gone to Oyster Bay to 
see Roosevelt), McClintock wrote an edi- 
torial expressing horror at the murders 
perpetrated by the State militia and sug- 
gesting a plan of action. This editorial was. 
calm, restrained and directly in line with 
the proclaimed policies of the "Progres- 
sive" Party. When State Chairman Dodge 
returned he "fired" McClintock. Since 
then the editorials of the Gazette have been 
given over almost wholly to boosting Colo- 
rado Springs real estate, suggestions for 
sponging on tourists, but the strike has not 
been mentioned except in a way insulting 
to the workers. 

In Colorado Springs, also, the real Pro- 
gressives organized a club for the study 
and discussion of their party platform. The 
members of this club wished to see the 
"social justice" planks of their platform 
actually put in operation. What happened? 

The "Progressive" bosses appeared, dis- 
persed the club, forbade it to meet again 

in the party headquarters and told the 
members that they "could reorganize after 
election day." 

This crowd of sore-headed Republican 
politicians would pay for the oil and 
matches for another Ludlow. They run the 
"Progressive" party and will continue to 
run it. They have the money. They have 
the newspapers. They are *7f." 

The second element of the "Progres- 
sives" in Colorado is the deaf, dumb and 
blind .following of Roosevelt. This crowd 
will go back to the Republican party if 
Teddy does. They don't care much who 
runs the organization in Colorado or what 
it does. How many of these poor creatures 
are there in Colorado? We don't know. 
We meet a few new ones every day. 

The third element is composed of per- 
sons who will count in the long run. It is 
made up of sixty thousand dissatisfied 
wage-slaves, poor farmers and their wives. 
They are quite like the same number of the 
same class who call themselves Democrats, 
Talk with any of these and they will be 
found bitter at heart because of Ludlow 
and Rockefellerism generally in Colorado. 
Ignorant of economics and politics, this 
army will join any party which seems to 
promise immediate relief from the rule of 
the gunmen. Incoherent though they are, 
individually and collectively, they are mov- 
ing. They are thinking. We must go to 
them with the crystallizing force of our 
Socialist propaganda and education. But 
of how many of these stumbling ones can 
we make Socialists during the present cam- 
paign? There is no other such fruitful 
field for our work as Colorado. 
Solidarity in Action. 

The one really encouraging feature about 
the whole strike — the one fact that will do 
credit to the whole working class — was the 
refusal of the railroad men to haul gun- 
men and militia into the strike districts. 
That was fine! It was promiseful! It 
makes us justly proud of our class ! There 
IS hope for the workers! 

Let all the miners act together as one, 
industrially and politically, and no fight 
can be really lost. It takes a long time to 
find this out, but the slaves are learning. 

Digitized by 



By Vincent St. Jokn 

THE wage workers of the world are 
the only class that is really con- 
cerned in abolishing war. It is 
they who furnish the victims and 
reap no benefit whatever for their class. 
All wars, past and present, are in the 
interest of the employing class of some 
particular political division. 

From the viewpoint of working class 
interests, no war is justified except it be 
for the purpose of overthrowing the wage 
system and establishing industrial con- 
trol of, by and for the working class. 

The only practical method whereby the 
workers can abolish war is to organize 
within the industries in such a manner 
that they can refuse to support an armed 
force in times of peace and refuse to pro- 
duce the necessary wealth for carrying 
on the struggle in time of war, by re- 
fusing to produce the implements used 
in warfare, to enlist in the army, and by 
paralyzing the industries of any nation 
or nations the rulers of which show a de- 
sire to involve their respective countries. 

As members of the working class, we 
should view all disputes from the work- 
ing class standpoint. We are not con- 
cerned in how international disputes can 
be settled best, or at all, for that matter, 
so long as the working class do not have 
to pay the penalty in the settlement. It 
might be suggested as a matter of settling 
international disputes, that the workers 
organize so as to compel the interested 
parties in the dispute to settle it between 
themselves. The same methods by which 
the workers can abolish war are the 
methods by which they can protect their 
interests in the case of international dis- 
putes. This, of course, means that they 
must be organized to a sufficient degree 
and educated^as. to their class interests 
so that it will be impossible to induce 
them to furnish the armies and do the 
fighting for their respective employers 
and rulers. 

Peace societies are nothing more or 
less than schemes whereby certain para- 
sites of the present system amuse them- 
selves or gain a livelihood. There is no 

record that they have ever accomplished 
anything except create a demand for 
printer's ink, paper, and furnish an av- 
enue by which some individuals can ex- 
ploit their ego. The U. S. standing army 
should be abolished forthwith in the in- 
terest of the working class. This can 
be accomplished by an active campaign 
against militarism and the workers or- 
ganizing and refusing to enlist in the 
army or support it in any way, shape or 
form. The increase in the U. S. regular 
army and the increase in the number of 
unemployed are significant. It is proof 
that the employing class of that country 
are in possession of information that 
causes them to strengthen the army in 
defense of their private interests. As the 
army of unemployed grows, it means that 
ever increasing number of hungry, home- 
less, and consequently reckless men and 
women. In time it will have but one re- 
sult — an attack upon the property of the 
parasites in order to satisfy the need for 
food, clothing and shelter. It is to pro- 
vide against this contingency that the 
ruling class and their agents are Jbending 
every effort to increase the standing army 
of this so-called land of the free and 

With the workers properly organized 
the profits the employing class now reap 
would be absorbed by the workers in the 
shape of increased wages and better 
working conditions. 

The working class in Switzerland are 
not any better off, regardless of the fact 
that they are citizen soldiers. Military 
training, however, could be of benefit to 
the working class providing it was sup- 
plemented by proper working class edu- 
cation. The citizen soldiers of Switzer- 
land are as willing to serve the interests 
of the employing class of Switzerland as 
are the paid soldiers of any other coun- 
try in the world. This phase of the prob- 
lem depends altogether upon the relative 
strength of the organization of the work- 
ers in the shops and the education of the 
workers as to their class interests. With 
the workers organized to a sufficient de- 


Digitized by 




gree and educated as to their class inter- 
ests, they will be able to combat the mis- 
education and force now at the service 
of the employing class. 

The Boy Scout movement is an at- 
tempt of the employing class to so mould 
minds of children that in later years they 
will be more apt to respond to the de- 
mand for uniformed murderers. In this 
connection, however, the employing class 
are not going to meet with the success 
that they hope for. With few exceptions, 
members of the Boy Scouts will be forced 
to take their places in the industries of 
the nation as wage workers, and the con- 
ditions under which they will have to live 
and labor will more than offset the false 
education that they received as Boy 
Scouts. They will learn in industry that 
patriotism consists of nothing but high- 
sounding platitudes. They will learn 
that even though the discipline demanded 
of them in the army might have been 
severe, the discipline required in industry 
is more severe, and they will also learn 
that when they are no longer needed to 
create profits in the industries of the em- 
ploying class, they cannot live On patriot- 
ism and they will receive no more con- 
sideration than any others who are con- 
sidered an expense upon the owning and 
tax-paying interests of the country. 

All innovations of a military character 

that are introduced in any institution 
spring from the same source — a desire on 
the part of the employing class to build 
a stronger force to protect their interests. 
The state militia is an institution for 
holding in subjection the wage workers 
of any state without having to incur the 
expense and waste of time necessary to 
get regular soldiers on the job. As the 
state militia works for nothing except 
when on duty, it can be truthfully said 
that they are scabs on the regular soldiers 
and to this extent they relieve the em- 
ploying class of a financial burden that 
otherwise they would have to meet in 
order to maintain an efficient military 

The fact that the law compels every 
able-bodied citizen over eighteen years 
of age to belong to the militia, does not 
of itself mean anything. With proper or- 
ganization and education, the workers 
could disregard summons for military 
duty and through their organization in 
the industries of the land, render power- 
less any effort of the government to force 
them to respond to the call to arms. 

The answer of labor to militarism is 
organization on class lines. Educate the 
workers to depend upon themselves and 
the control which they can exert over 
industry when so organized. 

Can You Beat This Brakeman? — "Some two 

months ago Comrade W , of Trenton, N. J., 

gave me a circular you sent him asking for 
trial subscribers, for three months, at ten 
cents, saying as he gave it to me that he did 
not think I could get the necessary ten if I 
tried. I secured 83 names and am enclosing a 
money order for $8.30 to pay for same. I am 
a railroad brakeman, one of those who feel 

the heavy hand with which the R. R. 

handles Socialist agitators. — Yours in the 

Digitized by 



A Lesson from France. — Even Social- 
ists, who claim to understand and apply 
economic determinism, often lose their 
tempers needlessly because they fail to 
consider that people's views and conduct 
must necessarily be modified by economic 
conditions. And in the whole field of 
revolutionary activity no question has de- 
veloped so much of this bad temper as the 
relations between Socialist parties and 
labor unions. France was' the first coun- 
try to suffer from this bad temper, and the 
French revolutionists have been the first 
to find a remedy for it. We can not urge 
too strongly that our readers give careful 
attention to the article which Emile 
Pouget has prepared for this issue of the 
Review. He has been until lately editor 
of the official organ of the General Con- 
federation of Labor, and he writes with 
a thorough understanding of the history, 
the problems and the methods of that 
militant organization. Its methods have 
been frequently misunderstood in Amer- 
ica. It is not anti-political, as so many, 
both of its friends and its enemies, have 
assumed; it is merely non-political, and 
that for most excellent reasons developed 
by actual experience, as Pouget shows. 
No political test is required of its mem- 
bers, for the reason that it aims to enroll 
ALL the workers in each industry. Once 
inside, they are in an atmosphere that 
speedily makes revolutionists of them. 
But neither Socialists nor anti-Socialists 
are allowed to talk politics at union meet- 
ings. This rule was established in self- 
defense when the struggle between So- 
cialist factions for control of the unions 
threatened to wreck the unions them- 
selves, and it is now cheerfully acquiesced 
in by everybody. But outside the union 
meetings each member talks and works 
for political Socialism as much as he likes. 
The practical wisdom of this method has 
been shown repeatedly at times of danger 
by the prompt and powerful co-operation 
of the Socialist Party of France and the 
General Confederation of Labor. A re- 
cent case in point is the strike of the let- 

ter carriers in Paris, reported in the news- 
papers not long ago. They demanded bet- 
ter working conditions and emphasized 
their demand by barricading themselves 
in the central postoffice, thus stopping all 
postal business for a day. This was trea- 
son or something equally bad in the eyes 
of the law. Yet they were not shot, nor 
even discharged. Why not? Because the 
ministry which used soldiers to break the 
railway strike has been turned out of 
office, and the present ministry could be 
turned out tomorrow if the Socialists 
were to vote for a day with its other 
enemies. For the present they are satis- 
fied to let the politicians now in power 
remain there, provided they keep hands 
off the unions. 

The Common Enemy. — In other words 
our French comrades have learned 
through long and bitter experience what 
we in America have yet to learn, namely, 
that the one enemy to fight is capitalism, 
and that struggles between revolutionary 
unions and revolutionary parties can help 
no one but the capitalist class. The labor 
unionists of France are more revolution- 
ary in spirit than any other labor organi- 
zation in the world of anything like equal 
size and permanence. They find it pos- 
sible and wise to co-operate actively on 
occasion with the Unified Socialists of 
France, a party made up of elements 
which differ among themselves as widely 
as do the Socialist Party of Washington 
and the Socialist Party of Wisconsin. On 
the other hand, when a fight is on between 
the General Confederation of Labor and 
the capitalist government of -France, the 
Socialist Party stands by the Confedera- 
tion solidly. As between economic and 
political action, the French wage-earners 
choose both. 

After the Ludlow Battle. — Later ad- 
vices from Ludlow bring added proof that 
this war of extermination was deliberately 
planned by the trust magnates or their 
confidential agents. It also seems clear 
that "progressive" administrations, elect- 


Digitized by 




ed by the votes of little capitalists and 
muddle-headed wage-workers, are as 
ready to do the bloody work of the big 
capitalists as were the old machine ad- 
ministrations from which nothing better 
was expected. Here is a clear issue for 

the coming election between the Socialist 
Party, and all other parties : Shall the sol- 
diers of the state or nation be ordered to 
shoot strikers and their families? Settle 
this question right and the battle is half 



Italians Strike for Free Speech. — This 
great uprising of Italians is a very simple 
affair. It is only our muddled journalism 
with its unconnected reports from half-a- 
hundred cities which has made it look 
like sudden madness. The Italian gov- 
ernment denied the entire working class 
of Italy the right to hold meetings on a 
certain day. When some of them met 
despite this denial they were clubbed and 
shot. Then the rest went on strike. This 
is the whole story. 

On June 7th the people of Italy cele- 
brate the adoption of their constitution. 
This year the Executive Committee of the 
Socialist party sent out a request that the 
local groups everywhere hold anti-mili- 
tary demonstrations on that day. By 
order of Premier Salandra these demon- 
strations were forbidden from one end of 
the land to the other. One would hardly 
expect such an arbitrary order to be 
obeyed everywhere. At Ancona a group 
of anarchists, led by the well known 
Enrico Malatesta, held a meeting in the 
open air. The crowd was dispersed by 
the police. In the evening there was a 
protest meeting in a hall outside the city. 
At the close of it, the people started to 
march back to the city in a closed 
column. Suddenly they found themselves 
surrounded by cordons of carabinieri, as 
the national constabulary are called. The 
crowd was* puzzled, and then enraged. 
/Stones were thrown and then the cara- 
binieri were ordered to fire. They did 
fire. They fired sixty rounds and killed 
two young workingmen and wounded 
many more. One of the wounded died on 
the following day. 

This was the beginning. By midnight 
a general strike was declared in Ancona. 
The next morning the city was absolutely 
tied up. Not a car moved — and hardly a 
cab. Before night the Executive Com- 

mittee of the Socialist Party declared a 
general strike throughout the land. In 
Italy a general strike is really more or 
less general. Travel stopped. No food 
was brought in from the country. For 
two days Italy stopped living. In many 
places there wece riots with killings on 
both sides. One chief of police met his 
death. Many points were placed in con- 
trol of the military. 

The strike was called off on the 10th. 
In this instance action was taken by the 
Executive Committee of the Federation 
of Labor. The Socialist Executive gave 
its support rather unwillingly. In most 
places the strike had lasted forty-eight 
hours. As a protest against the massacre 
at Ancona it had been a complete suc- 
cess. Here and there it began to take on 
the appearance of a great popular revolt 
against the government, and there were 
some who saw in it the beginning of a 
revolution. They objected to calling it 
off. At Ancona and a few other points 
they are still fighting as the Review goes 
to press. 

Scores were killed and hundreds 
wounded. The affair was wild and 
bloody. But the government alone was 
responsible. The people of Italy are too 
advanced to be told that on a certain day 
they may not assemble to discuss national 
matters. Premier Salandra has formally 
accepted responsibility for this action and 
the death and destruction which fol- 
lowed. One cannot help wondering 
whether he served Italian capitalism 
wisely and how long it will be until both 
capitalists and working people will want 
a different sort of government. The 
world is moving very fast in Italy. 

Wild Women and Tame Men. — There 
is a considerable performance going on 
in England. It may be a bit expensive, 
but it furnishes thrills where they are 

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most needed. Nine women have been 
clubbed because they wanted to talk to 
the King. Others have 1 been thrown into 
jail for shouting at this King in a theater. 
One has finally got his highness to re- 
ceive some peaceable working girls by 
sitting on the steps of the House of Par- 
liament and saying she would stay there 
until she starved. Others have enlivened 
life by cleaving paintings with hatchets 
and blowing up the coronation chair in 
Westminster Abbey. 

Now I confess that I admire these women 
for having the nerve to do these things. 
They want the vote. They need the vote. 
They have wanted it and needed it for a 
long time. Solemn English statesmen have 
promised them to bring in a bill giving 
them the vote. These solemn statesmen 
have lied. Many voters, probably a ma- 
jority, are in favor of votes for women. 
But English elections make it practically 
impossible to force the statesmen to do 
the will of the women or the majority. 
So some of the women began to smash 
things and starve themselves. Many of 
them are rich. Many of them are intelli- 
gent. They are enduring curses, blows, 
wounds, illness, for the sake of their 
cause. Anyone who doesn't admire them 
isn't worth talking about. 

All the journalistic idiots in the world 

are spilling ink over this matter. Most 
of them are saying everything except the 
one thing which is obvious and right. 
The whole trouble arises from the fact 
that the women ought to have the vote 
and haven't it. The only way to end the 
fight is to give them the vote. 

Of course English Socialists believe in 
woman suffrage. They believe in it be- 
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justice and, without an equal chance for 
man and woman, there can be no justice. 
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end here. They see that various groups 
of people have got the vote because they 
have achieved economic and social power. 
This is wh^t the capitalists did. It is 
what workingmen have done. At the 
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are doing it. They work in stores and 
factories. They own property. They 
help create public opinion. They are in 
public life, but not in politics. They are 
ready for entrance into politics and have 
been ready for a long time. Keeping 
them out is now sheer stupidity. The 
Socialist sees all this as a part of social 
and economic evolution. So his belief in 
woman suffrage is based on something 
more than a vague sense of justice. 

And so our English comrades have 
stood with the women. They have done 

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it in spite of the fact that they do not 
approve of the violence of some of them. 
"The amazing feature to me is the tre- 
mendous pluck of the women/' writes 
Alex. M. Thompson in the Clarion. Then 
he goes on: "But the saddest feature of 
this weird and awful sex war is its fu- 
tility. The agonies which these sisters 
of ours are enduring can not and will not 
win their cause. The only effect their 
campaign is having on the heart of the 
nation is to harden it." 

Comrade H. M. Hyndman, in Justice, 
vigorously condemns militancy, but says: 
"What we have opposed, and oppose to- 
day, is 'votes for ladies' ; the extension of 
suffrage, namely, to well-to-do women 
only, who would naturally vote, as a rule, 
in favor of their own class." 

The only weakness in the Socialist po- 
sition is well represented by Hyndman : 
"Social Democrats in Great Britain . . . 
have always been in favor of complete 
adult suffrage for all sane men and 
women. We have not followed up our 
declaration of principles by a vigorous 
agitation because we thought there were 
many more important things to do. We 
think so still." 

This position, it seems to me, is based 
upon the fallacy that issues can be dic- 
tated to world movements. Great issues 
strike their own hour and will not be put 
off. We Socialists are so accustomed to 
unmasking the false issues put upon us 
that we do not recognize a real one when 
we meet it. So this great movement of 
half our race leaves us cold. "There were 
many more important things to do." How 
many? one wonders. And if an English 
Socialist can write this, what about the 
Liberals? The Conservatives? And is 
militancy, after all, so hard to under- 

Gains in Belgium. — On May 24th mem- 
bers of Parliament were chosen in about 
half the constituencies of Belgium. The 
Clericals still control the house, but their 
majority has been cut down from 16 to 
12. They no longer have a majority in 
the country. In the four provinces in 
which the elections were held the opposi- 
tion parties received 186,000 more votes 
than the church party. These arch- 
conservatives still have the power be- 
cause of the ingenious plural voting sys- 
tem which they invented themselves. 
Persons with property or school diplomas 


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Arthur Krouse is a locomotive fireman who had 
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get an extra vote or two. Moreover, the 
districts are so gerrymandered that the 
Clericals get the full benefit of this little 
arrangement. So they still have a ma- 
jority in the house. But they must see 
that the game is nearly played out. This 
election has magnificently carried for- 
ward the work of the general strike in 
favor of electoral reform. Reform must 
come soon. And then will come the end 
of the Clericals. The Socialists have 
gained one seat. 

Capitalism Anti-National. — Capitalism 
is the most powerful opponent of patriot- 
ism. Before the Balkan war Austria an- 
nexed Bosnia and Herzegovina. Many 
of the people there are Servians and Mo- 
hamedans. Nobody asked about their 
religion or their nationality. After the 
war various slices of territory were given 
to Greece, Servia and Bulgaria — again 
without regard to the inhabitants. And 
one region, called Albania, was set up by 
itself and given a German for a king. 
The king doesn't know the people and 
doesn't want to. 

Strange to say, there is trouble all over 
the Balkans. Greece and Turkey talk of 
war. The Albanians are in rebellion and 

a young Servian has shot the Crown 
Prince of Austria in Herzegovina. In 
Soudan and Vienna the diplomats are 

Meantime the Socialists of Servia have 
held a party congress. There were 128 
delegates present. A comrade from Bul- 
garia was received with great enthusiasm. 
His message was that the Balkan peoples 
must unite in a republic. The people, he 
said, are discontented and their discon- 
tent showed itself in the choice of 37 
Socialists in the last Bulgarian election. 
The work of the congress was chiefly di- 
rected toward establishing a sound under- 
standing with the working class of other 
Balkan nations. 

FARMS WANTMP. W>h wtd ~--^ — -„ 

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SOCIALIST Cartoon Post Cards. Send me 10c. and I will 
■end you a set of 10, no two alike. They are thought 
getters. Just the thing to send to the unconverted. Anti- 
war post cards 5 (or 10c. Just the thing to send to the boys that 
have the Army ' and Navy bee. HOWARD FRASBR, SSf 
North Chas. Streat, CsxlinriUe. m. 

A Remarkable Discovery: 




A novel by a Socialist house-painter, recently discovered after his death. 

"I fear that if I say what I think it may appear extravagant; while if I moderate 
my words I shall feel that I am doing scant justice to what has seemed to me the 
most remarkable human document that has appeared in my time. 

"It is a masterpiece of realism. The work of a craftsman, it is true, unerring and 
pitiless in its delineation of men and life. Were Zola and Tolstoi living, I am sure they 
would look upon this common house-painter with envy, as one whose novice hand had 
outdone them. I am sure that Gorky and Jack London would confess frankly that the 
work of Robert Tressall surpasses theirs. Certainly, London's "The Call of the Wild" 
cannot be as true to life as these ragged philanthropists." 

Published by STOKES $1.25 "*' 

For $1.50 sent before* September 30 we will mail this book and the International Socialist 
Review one year. Extra postage to Canada 20c; to other foreign countries 36c. No discount. 


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Minnesota Socialists, Attention! — Word has 
just been received that Comrade A. E. Hatcher, 
Socialist organizer, was assaulted in the city of 
Ely on June 28. 

The city fire department helped break up the 
meeting, with the aid of the police, who were 
conspicuous by their absence. 

Upon returning to the Exchange Hotel, Comrade Hatcher ha dpaid $1.00 for a 
room, he was attacked and thrown into the 

The Review sincerely trusts that there is 
enough red blood in "red card" members in 
Minnesota to take up this matter by sending 
Tom Lewis or some other fighter to establish 
free speech in Ely. 

Likes the July Number — "Waterloo, Iowa. I 
believe the cartoon and poem on page 4 and 
5 of the July Review ought to be plastered on 
every box car and telephone pole in the coun- 
try. — Yours for the Revolution, C. E." 

From Merrie England. — "Enclosed find one 
pound, which credit to my Review account and 
increase the following four orders. I may 
add that I have had an extraordinary demand 
for the June issue. All comrades here think 
it is the best issue yet published. — Beacham." 

Let Your Friends See the Review — "Wichita, 
Kan., July 7, 1914. Friend handed me a copy 
of the July International Socialist Review. 
I like it. Enclosed find subscription price; also 
send me Myer's 'History of the Supreme 
Court.'— C. W. T., M. D." 

Where Reformers No Longer Fournush. — 
Socialist Hall, Oxford Terrace, Christchurch, 
N. Z. "Please find enclosed a money' order 
for four pounds, being a renewal for four 
dozen Reviews monthly for a year. Glad to 
tell you that the Review is very popular here 
and is always looked forward to. — Yours for 
the Revolution, D. W." 

What One Live One Is Doing. — "Wyoming. 
Enclosed find money order for $12.00. Please 
send a bundle of 20 copies for one year to 
Local Union — , U. M. W. A. The Fighting 
Magazine certainly 'looks good' to the boys 
out here.— J. S." 

You Can Do the Same. — "Lorain, Ohio. I 
was showing the July number to a friend who 
became so interested that he wanted a copy 
of same. Please send him the Review for 
three months and enclosed find the price. The 
Review just suits me. — Anna K. Storck." 

From One of the "Slaves." — "Kindly send 


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me the International Review for six months. 
Send me the April, May and June numbers. 
The farmers are devilish hard up out here this 
year. I hear the rumble of the Revolution 
everywhere these days. I think the Interna- 
tional Review is the grandest old fighter on 
the map. It has made the tears roll down my 
cheeks many a time. — James Kissack." 

From I. W. W., Spokane, Wash.— "Our 
bundle of 100 sold out in five days. Send 50 
more copies quick. — Don Sheridan, Secretary." 

From Oklahoma. — "Please find $1.00 en- 
closed for my renewal. I do not wish to miss 
a single number and hone always to be able 
to raise the dollar for the Fighting Maga- 
zine. I keep my Reviews on the table where 
callers may see and read them if they choose. 
—Mrs. E. E. A. 

From the United Shoe Workers of America. 
—"Enclosed find P. O. order for $1.00 for 
which you will please send the Review for one 
year. I have missed several copies of it, lately 
and, as a consequence, I want it to come regu- 
lar. It is a magazine that should be in every 
labor office in the United States — C. P.TX, Dis- 
trict Organizer, St. Louis, Mo." 

From a "Live Wire' 'in Montana. — Comrade 
Stone of Montana sends in 14 subscriptions 
and says: "I am sorry I cannot send in more. 
There are millions of better rustlers than I am, 
but if every one only sends in two subscrip- 
tions each it will help 'our' Review. It took 
two extra trips to town (7 miles) to get these." 

Trying to Railroad a Rebel. — Fellow 

Have you read the July number of 

"The Masses"? 

If not, why not? The 
entire edition was sold 
out in two days after 

There's a Reason 

Find out why by send- 
ing $1.00 for a year's 
subscription to 

The Masses Publishing Co. 

87 Greenwich Ave. 



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Worker J. Hill, a well-known song writer who 
wrote many' of the songs in -the I. W. W. 
song book, which have been sung by thou- 
sands of strikers all over the country, was con- 
victed of murder in the first degree in Salt 
Lake City on June 27. The evidence is purely 
circumstantial and was furnished by the police, 
who art always in touch with stools and pimps 
who are Willing jo swear anything for "pro- 

None of the witnesses identified Fellowj 
.Worker Hill and steps have already beeni 
taken to appeal his case. 

The prosecuting attorney sprang all of the 
old chestnuts about the equality of rich and 
poor before the law and other orthodox rot. 

We all know that a poor man can buy jus- 
tice if he has the price to get a good lawyer; 
otherwise he stands about as much chance as 
a snowball in hell. We. trust that every reader 
of the Review will send in from a dime to a 
dollar or more to Comrade Geo. Child, treas- 
urer of Hill Defence Fund, 118 W. S. Temple, 
Salt Lake City, Utah. We have known Com- 
rade Child for a long while and he is abso- 
lutely to be trusted. 

From the "Live Ones."— The following rebels 
have sent in ten or more subscriptions to the 
Fighting Magazine during the past twenty 
days. This does not include the comrades 
who secured three hundred yearly subscrip- 
tions for the trip to the International Congress 
in Vienna. After all, the "live ones" are the 
salt of the Revolutionary movement: 

Blackmer, Monowi, Nebr 10 

Peck, Zephyrhills, Fla 10 

Hampshire, Ionia, Mich 10 

Weeks, Church, N. D 10 

Tolley, Bishop, Tex 10 

Ruda, Panama, 111 20 

Hawley, Lodi, Calif 10 

Andzer, Rochester, N. Y 10 

Loring, Corrigan, Tex 10 

Newton, Haskell, Tex 13 

Redmann, Rowena, Tex 10 

Stone, Poison. Mont 13 

Sanders, Weeleetka, Okla 10 

Baker, Sabinal, Tex 14 

Sidwell, Midvale, Ida 10 

Keil, Fairbanks, Alaska 10 

Rickr, Marshall, Tex 15 

Johnson, Columbia City, Ind 10 

Cleaves, Prince Bay, N. Y 10 

Snider, Fairmont, W. Va 11 

Spencer, Bedfry, Mont 10 

Snell, Red Deer, Alta., Can 10 

McMillen, Huntingburg, Ind 20 

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The Bible reviewed in the 
light of Modern Science 



IS THE This is the chief sub J ect of debate to-day between 

Christians and Scientists the world over 

BIBLE Robert Blatchf ord says : "Is the Bible a holy and 

inspired book and the Word of God to man, or is it an 

TPI JF? incongruous and contradictory collection of tribal tra- 

l KKXJjL^m dition and ancient fables, written by men of genius 
and imagination?' 9 

Mr. Blatchford believes RELIGIONS are not REVEALED, they 

"We cannot accept as the God of Creation," he writes, "this 
savage idol (Jehovah) of an obscure tribe, and we have renounced 
him and are ashamed of him, not because of any later divine reve-' 
lation, but because mankind have become too enlightened to toler- 
ate Jehovah. ' 

"The ethical code of the Old Testament is no longer suitable as the rule of 
life. The moral and intellectual advance of the human race has left it behind." 

CHRISTIANS declare the highest conception of God is the Christian concep- 
tion of him as a Heavenly Father. "God is love," they say. To which Blatch- 
ford replies: "This is a very lofty, poetical and gratifying conception, but it is 
open to one fatal objection — it is not true! 9 ' 

Mr. Blatchford does not believe that a divine being would need or ask for 

"If you were a human father, would you rather your children praised you 
and neglected each other, or that brother should stand by brother, and sister 
cherish sister?" 

GOD AND MY NEIGHBOR is not an attack upon religion. It is a study 
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Mr. Myers has taken off the lid of 
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army of subsidized "biographers" and 
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Rich. He shows, with hard facts, for 
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ravished to pile up their corrupt for- 
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Vol. XV 

Edited by Charles H. Kerr 

No. 3 

Mary E. Marcy, Robert Rives La Monte, William E. Bohn. 
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John Randolph 136 

Europe in the Clutch of War Phillips Russell 133 

Modern Warfare 


Socialism and the World- War .... G. L. Harding. 141 


Jaures and The General Strike William D. Haywood 144 

For Ourselves or for The Enemy? Charles Edward Russell. . . 147 

War in the Air . G. Hawley Emanuel 152 


Organize With the Unemployed Mary E. Marcy 152 

Latest News from South Africa ...... Tom Mann 159 

The Gunmen and the Miners , Eugene V. Debs 161 

The Advent of the Diesel-Motor Barbara Lidy FrankenthaL 163 

The Enemy of All the World Jack London 167 

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Europe m the Clutch of ^A^ar 

ONLY a few days ago I finished a 
walking trip through France, Bel- 
gium and Holland, where the 
hazy sun shone on quiet lands and 
peaceful peoples. Today the same roads 
which I trod resound to the tramp of 
armed men, and women and children are 
shrinking in terror as the spectre of war 
rattles its sabre with bony hand. 

As I write, the streets of London are 
filled with yelling thousands as the war 
fever carefully worked up by cunning 
newspapers, penetrates their veins. 
Europe has gone mad. Every continental 
nation is feverishly buckling on its armor 
and uttering hysterical cries. The first 
victim of this crazy blood-lust has been 
laid low — Jaures, the apostle of peace and 
good-will toward men — shot down as he 
laughed with his comrades in a Paris 
cafe by a poor devil made insane by the 
pestilence of patriotism. 

Already men are fighting on the French, 
German, Russian and Belgian frontiers, 
having been called from their work and 
bidden to go out and slay other men 
against whom they have no grievance, for 
reasons which no sane human being can 
clearly state. 

On a recent visit to France I was 
amazed at the feverish though secret 
preparations being made for war and at 
the open propaganda of hate being worked 
up against Germany by the newspapers. 
Before I left Europe it was my intention 
to write an article for the Review and 
predict a giant international war within 
two years unless the workingmen of the 
nations involved took a resolute stand 
for peace at once. 

And now here is the war before I have 

been able to get out of Europe. Govern- 
ments have caught labor off its guard and 
plunged several countries in what may 
prove to be the most terrible war in .the 
history of the world. Protests now are 
of no avail. In London yesterday trade 
unionists and Socialists held an open-air 
demonstration and passed a resolution. 
But governments do not care either for 
demonstrations or resolutions, and no 
concrete measures for nipping the war in 
the bud were proposed. 

This is a business men's war, worked 
up and encouraged by merchants and 
manufacturers who lust for more markets, 
more spheres of trade influence, more land 
and men to exploit. National differences, 
racial hostilities, all are mere superficial 
factors. Germany, "the business bully of 
Europe," is matched against three other 
great powers. The map of the world is 
apt to be changed before it is all over. 

FOR ten days my comrade and I, on' 
our way afoot from Paris to 
Bruges in Belgium, had walked 
through long lanes of green, edged 
with scarlet poppies, in an atmosphere 
fresh and cool, after several days of rain. 
Hour after hour, as far as the eye could 
see, stretched the rolling hills of rural 
France. They formed a sort of vast car- 
pet pattern of green, brown and yellow. 
The gravel was white and clean under 
our feet. Every few hundred feet soared 
a solitary lark, mounting higher and 
higher into the air, while he trilled his 
song, the most joyous sound that bird 
ever uttered. The hay that we slept on 
at night was sweet to the nostrils. 


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Finally we drew near the Belgian bor- 
der. Our route map showed the next big 
town was Heinin-Letard, a name which 
as yet meant nothing to us. As we 
trudged on, in the distance we could see 
a smudge of smoke in the air, and as this 
became thicker and heavier we at last 
realized we were approaching the famous 
coal mines of the Nord. 

The green fields became dingier. The 
scarlet poppies grew pale. The face of 
the sun became streaked with soot. We 
turned a wide bend in the road and found 
ourselves face" to face with the Black 
Plague of France?. 

Instead of the quaint, low, thatched 
cottages with which we had become so 
familiar, stretched a long, monotonous 
line of "company houses" of dirty red 
brick — the homes of the miners. Through 
block after block of them we walked, with 
the curious faces of haggard women 

staring at us from door and window. 
Swarms of pretty but pale babies paddled 
in pools of sloppy water. Every few 
yards was an "estaminet" — saloon— 
where groups of miners were trying to 
wash the coal dust from their throats 
with huge glasses of beer. 

Instead of Heinin-Letard, France, we 
might have been in Pottsville, Pa., Belle- 
ville, 111., or Trinidad, Colo. There were 
the same grim faces of overworked men, 
the same tired women, the same pallid 
children, the same gaunt, black sheds and 

We stopped in one of the thousand 
little cafes and ordered a "chope" of the 
bitter, cheap beer sold to the miners. 
Several of them were present talking 
busily — I heard the word "capitaliste" 
several times. They became silent at our 
entrance, seeing we were foreigners. 
They looked us over closely, apparently 
trying to get "a line ,, on us. 

Nearly all were small, undersized men, 
dressed in baggy overalls and small, 
sloping top caps. 

Finally one of them made bold to ad- 
dress us in rapid French, using "tu" for 
"you" instead of the "vous," to which we 
had become accustomed. Had we come 
to seek work in the mines? No? Then 
perhaps somewhere beyond? No? 

He was puzzled. * Our appearance 
showed him we had walked a long dis- 
tance and our clothing showed we weren't 
tourists. Then what were we and what 
le diable were we doing in Heinin-Le- 
tard? He and his companions discussed 
the subject without arriving at a conclu- 

Finally we explained. We weren't 
miners, we related, but "cheminauds" — 
roadsters, foot travelers. We weren't 
looking for work, but walking through 
the country for pleasure. We had come 
from Paris and were going to Belgium. 

"Toujours a pied!" they exclaimed. 

"Yes/' we -replied. "On foot all the 

Name of a name, not to say oh, la, la ! 
They found it incredible. Walking all 
that distance — for pleasure? It was 
strange. We were English, perhaps; 
Spaniards, Italians? No; Americans? A 
commotion ensued. All had heard of 
Americans, but few had ever seen any. 
They fired a volley of questions. We 

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answered as best we 
could with our 
rather faulty French, 
though they assured 
us we spoke it "As- 
sez bien." 

We began to swap 
information. Their 
wages, they said, 
averaged five to six 
francs ($1 to $1.20) 
a day, usually of 
nine hours, though 
there was a new 
state law reducing it 
to eight. They lis- 
tened intently when 
we told something 
of mining conditions 
in the United States 
and eagerly ex- 
claimed: "J ust like 
that here." 

Explosions they were familiar with. 
There was a terrible one at Courrieres, a 
village close by, in 1906, they said, when 
many, many children were made orphans. 

They crowded around eagerly to hear 
of Colorado and the war on the workers 
waged by Rockefeller. They could not 
believe that a machine gun had been used 
on women and children. To the story of 
the burning of women and children in 


their tents they « listened in horrified 
amazement. France was bad enough, they 
said, but there had never. been anything 
like that here. There would be a war — 
a revolution. The people would rise and 
seek vengeance. 

For two hours we sat and talked in a 
circle of intent faces — of socialism, 
syndicalism, of work and wages — till it 
was time for us to resume our march. 
They accompanied 
us to the door amid 
a chorus of "bon 

voyages" and sent 
us off with smiles 
showing white teeth 
in a frame of grimy 

Another mile of 
company houses, 
soot and dirt, and 
we were in the open 
fields and the sun- 
light again, scarred 
only by the smoke 
o f Heinin - Letard, 
monument to French 
capitalism and work- 
ing-class misery. 


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— Chicago Tribune. 

PRIVATE 872,413. 

THE glory and romance of war is 
dead, and they will be buried 
beyond all hope of resurrection 
after the coming great world-war 
is over. War today will be so destruc- 
tive, so expensive, so terrible and so 
enlightening to the workers who wage all 
wars for the benefit of someone else, that 
we believe they will never again permit 


themselves to be used as gunners or 

Today war has become chiefly a mat- 
ter of cold calculation, a bloody business 
of long distance slaughter, with no longer 
any opportunity for dashing and idiotic 
personal heroism. 

Never again can a Napoleon, looking 
down from a hilltop, direct the move- 
ments of his army of 30,000 men as it 
maneuvers under his eye on the plains 

The modern general directing a battle 
line 150 miles long — such as the Jap- 
anese had at Mukden — will never even 
be within sight of his troops. The Jap- 
anese chief of staff was fifteen miles to 
. the rear when the great battle was fought. 

Never again will a courier, bearing 
orders from headquarters to division and 
corps commanders, have two horses shot 
under him as he dashes across the battle 
front. Today orders go out from head- 
quarters over the field telephone wires or 
by wireless and reach every brigade com- 
mander, as he, too, sits in safety far back 
of the line of fire. 

Never again will a battery of field guns 


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— Chicago Daily News. 


gallop madly into action, with the gun- 
ners sitting with crossed arms on the 
caissons and the infantry cheering their 

Modern field guns are located out of 
sight over the shoulder of a hill three 
miles or five miles or more away. The 
gunners never even GET A SIGHT OF 
In the great European war being waged 
today they do not even KNOW WHAT 
to their masters' interest that the work- 
ing class be sacrificed and the workers 
go dumbly to their deaths to make it 
possible for them to grab more lands or 
mines for exploitation. 

And their masters, who exploit them, 
and their officers who command gener- 
ally sit in perfect security and amid pomp 
and splendor while the makers of the 
world's commodities die by the hundreds 
of thousands. 

Only the working CLASS fights and 
pays and only the master class reaps the 
reward ! 

Today the fire of gunners is guided by 
calculations carefully made by an expert 



mathematician, who sits down in a hole 
in the ground and figures trajectories and 
curves and makes allowances for wind 
and pressure. All are miles away from 
the scene of the murders they are com- 

"Hold your fire until you see the whites 


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of the enemy's eyes," is a command that 
will never be given in a modern battle. 

Modern infantry dig themselves a nice 
deep ditch in the ground about two miles 
away from the first of the enemy's lines. 
To the present day soldier the spade is 
almost as important as the gun. He gets 
down into the ditch so that only his eyes 
and the top of his head are in sight at 
all. And he looks across an apparently 
perfectly empty plain to where in the 
dim distance he is told the hostile 
entrenchments lie. 

Never in a modern battle picture will 
a solid column of charging men be shown 
rallying round their cherished battle flag, 
which can be seen but dimly through the 
clouds of black smoke. 

There are no battle flags, no smoke and 
no charging columns on modern battle- 
fields. The presence of a flag on the 
battle line would instantly reveal its loca- 
tion to the enemy. Smokeless powder has 
taken the place of the old cloud-belching 
explosive, and one may look over a mod- 
ern battlefield with a hundred field guns 
in action and not be able to locate one of 
them. As for solid columns of charging 
men — a modern infantry attack is a far 
different affair. 

It is true the German officers directing 



the attack on the fortresses of the Bel- 
gians were so eager to make a showing 
that they reverted to the methods of 
Napoleon in their advance at Liege. 
Instead of trying to reduce the works 
with artillery they decided to carry them 
with a grand assault under cover of 
a cannonade. The rank and file of the 
German army fought with great courage 
and idiocy (for why should they have 
fought at all ?) but their artillery was not 
heavy enough to make any impression 
upon the solid defenses of the Belgians. 
The balls from the siege guns rattled 
harmlessly off the Belgian works, doing 
practically no damage. 

Despite the futility of the artillery fire, 
the German infantry and cavalry were 
commanded to continue their advance, 
the German generals hurling their men 
forward time after time under a storm of 
lead which left long rows of dead and 
dying. Soon masses of corpses were 
piled up along the slopes leading to the 
forts like haystacks. The carnage was 
appalling. The ground was literally run- 
ning with blood. The groans and screams 
of the dying were heard in the fort above 
the roar of the cannonade. Thousands of 
torn bodies rolled and pitched in the last 
torment of death. 

But this method of fighting will not 
become general. Even German army 
officers, mad with a desire for advance- 
ment and for fame, must recognize the 
fact that file or column formation will not 
succeed in the face of the modern machine 
gun. In the old days it was largely the 
men "in front" who faced and met death. 
Now the machine gun will annihilate a 
whole column of soldiers with a single 

We suspect that on the modern battle- 
field the officers of the contending parties 
will have in their possession maps show- 
ing every most minute variation of the 
ground. On these maps there will be 
shown 300 yards in advance of the first 
trench occupied by the infantry, a small 
brook running through a shallow ditch. 
The immediate object of the infantry is 
to move forward and occupy that new 

First the field guns — and nowadays a 
whole regiment of such guns, each of 
which can fire ten shrapnel shells a min- 
ute, is the recognized artillery unit — do 

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Illustrated London News. 

their best to smother the enemy's artillery 
fire and to drown his trenches in a flood 
of bullets. Each shrapnel shell bursts 
into from 100 to 200 projectiles. Then, 
while this fire is at its height, the infantry 
gets up — a squad or two at a time — and 
runs, dodging and bent over, to the ditch 
through which flows the little stream. 
They take advantage of every little hil- 
lock. A rise of a single foot will afford 
fairly good protection for a man who lies 
flat on the ground. So, by fits and starts, 
running and then dropping behind quickly 
dug and shallow embankments, they 
advance toward the enemy's lines. 

All the time field guns are firing a rain 
of shrapnel over their heads. It is this 
delicate task of the gunners to so time 
their shells that they shall burst when 

they reach the enemy's line and not be- 
fore. Else the bullets may kill their own 

By the time the infantry is within close 
striking distance of the enemy its field 
guns may have silenced his artillery. 

Wireless telegraphy and aeronautics 
are destined to prove the most destructive 
implements in the present European crisis 
and may entirely do away with the mod- 
ern battleship if not also the massing 
together of great armed forces on land. 
The airship is now in use by all the 
countries engaged in the great European 
conflict. The science of aviation has 
undoubtedly developed the most daring 
body of men ever engaged in any enter- 

Great battles in the air will soon be 


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recorded and such men as Garros, the 
French aviator, who is reported to have 
given his life that he might bring to 
earth a giant Zeppelin dirigibfe which 
threatened the French master class will 


And what are these working men fight- 
ing for? Will life be any harder for them 
with a German, or a French, or an Eng- 
lish flag flying over the capitol than with 
the flag that flies there today? Certainly 
not. The war cannot possibly benefit 
anybody but the capitalist class and the 
aristocracy. The Kaiser may become 
Emperor over the greater part of Europe. 
England or France may gain supremacy. 
But what difference can it make to the 
working class? 

Does not the German landlord demand 
his rent the same as the English or the 
French or Russian landowner? Does not 
the French or English capitalist demand 
his six per cent, the same as the German 
exploiter? Does it make it any harder on 
the workers to have a new flag over the 
factory door? 

Herve well says: 

"Proletarians have NO COUNTRY. 

The differences which exist between the 

f>resent countries are all superficial dif- 
erences. The capitalist regime is the 
same in all countries. 

"There is only One war which is worthy 
of intelligent men; it is civil war, social 
And again : 

"Let war break out tomorrow and there 
will be moaning on BOTH sides of the 
frontier, there will be damning of the 
government, there will be shaking of 
fists, there will be launching of passion- 
ate proclamations, but— they will march. 
They will go reluctantly, but they 

"Well, there MUST BE NO GOING." 
"For us socialists there is no question 
of nationality. We know but two 
nations : the nation of the capitalists, the 
bourgeoisie and the possessing class on 
one side; and on the other the nation 
of proletarians, the mass of disinherited, 
the working class. And we are all — Ger- 
mans, French, English, Russians, Amer- 
icans — of that second nation. We are 
one nation only. The workers of all coun- 
tries form ONE nation." Liebknecht. 

— Current Opinion. 
Hans and Jacques (together): "And I hear there's ir.ore to cornel" 

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. — Chicago American. 

Socialism and the ^A^orld-War 


IT WAS almost exactly a hundred 
years ago that Napoleon made his 
saturnine prediction that Europe in 
a hundred years must be either all 
Cossack or all Republican. Like other 
prophets of genius, Napoleon miscalcu- 
lated badly as to details and temporali- 
ties. The Cossack of today fights side by 
side with the soldiers of the French 
republic, and the tune of the great Revo- 
lution, sung with savage and exulting 
mockery by the Russian of 1814, is the 
marching song of Russian regiments in 
1914 on their way to fight the enemies of 
France. The Tory England, who dealt 
France her deathblow in 1815, throws 'in 
her defence today the navy that drove her 
from the seas at Trafalgar and the army 
that broke the Old Guard at Waterloo. 
A grimmer and less liberal ally upholds 
this unnatural entente in the Far East. 
The war is not between Cossack and Re- 

publican, but between the Cossack spirit 
of all nations ; not between barbarism and 
enlightenment, but between interests of 
the nations on a dead level of barbarism. 
So far Napoleon was wrong, unless one 
admits that all Europe has become Cos- 

But Napoleon was right. Across three 
generations he prophesied the spirit of 
the conflict that is upon us. For the great 
war on which we of this generaton are 
going to look is not the war between the 
Kaiser and the Czar, but the war of the 
people against war. That is the spirit 
which Napoleon, in his fresh recollections 
of the French Revolution, spoke of as 
republican. It is arising and co-ordinat- 
ing itself today in every nation in Europe, 
preparing for the first engagement in its 
death-grapple with the Cossack spirit 
which has plunged the brotherhood of 
nations into the carnage of barbarism. 


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Its rallying point today is no mere exhil- 
arating philosophizing on the rights of 
man. It is the rock of solidarity of the 
International Socialist Movement. 

How will the Socialists of Europe meet 
this, the soberest and most perilous crisis 
of our cause? First, with relief. The 
storm which has filled the heavens with 
clouds for the whole of our generation 
has burst at last. The great liberal move- 
ments of Europe, notably of France and 
England, who believed their governments 
were enlightened and civilized enough to 
keep them from the insanity of this titanic 
struggle, now have learned their lesson. 
The same enlightenment has come to 
those who thought the stakes of capital- 
ism were valuable enough to deter the 
great trading nations from risking them. 
They will now see, clearer than by a hun- 
dred years of Socialist teaching, on whom 
the risks of capitalism really fall. This 
stern disillusionment Socialists cannot but 
welcome as the unrolling of the terrible 
scroll of fate they have foretold unheeded 
for a generation. 

And all this ghastly folly of those Who 
builded on the sand is nowhere more 
sternly evident than in the collapse of the 
peace movement. Two years ago the 
reace Congress at Rome was ruddy 
ejected when that seat of Christendom 
became the fulcrum of the most shame- 
less war of indefensible aggression our 
generation has yet seen. This very sum- 
mer they were to meet — where? By a 
similar stroke of extreme irony the scene 
of this ridiculous feast of pretense and 
hypocrisy was this year laid in Vienna. 
The opiate words of welcome were to 
have been pronounced by Count von 
Berchtold, Austria's truculent foreign 
minister, the very man whose insolent 
declaration of war on Servia has precipi- 
tated the Armageddon. Could any pro- 
founder futility be imagined? There is 
a Tumor of a gallant decision of the Dutch 
nation to resist the passage of German 
armies if necessary by breaking down the 
dykes and flooding the country. If this 
desperate measure is carried out, let us 
hope that the first structure to succumb 
to the onrush of the waters will be the 
Palace of Peace at The Hague, that costly 
and fatuous symbol of the vainest delu- 
sion of our age and generation : that war 
will be stopped by the classes who profit 
from war. 

Socialists must everywhere feel relief 
that these things, even in the livid light 
of a huge fratricidal strife, are at last 
becoming clear. In the ensuing struggle 
half-loyalties will get their deathblow 
among the older nations. Liberalism, 
agrarianism, radicalism, the niceties of 
Home Rule and local autonomy — all those 
little issues will be blasted and withered 
in their own impotence by the storm that 
is to come. Clearer than ever before in 
the world's history we shall see the naked 
issue everywhere between the people and 
their tyrants, between Socialism, the 
French Revolution of today, and the Cos- 
sack spirit of modern capitalism. 

Even if we are cowardly enough to 
wish it, we cannot avoid the struggle that 
is before us. Its first breath has struck 
down the great captain of the Socialist 
movement in flie Latin world in the 
assassination in a Paris cafe of brave old 
Jean Jaures. At the moment when I 
write these words, the French movement 
is sanctifying that martyrdom with the 
deeds of revolution. It is committed to 
the general strike by a referendum taken 
hardly a fortnight before Jaures' death; 
and a general strike under martial law 
means civil war. Today there is literally 
war against war in France. Who knows 
where, among a people with the tradi- 
tions of the French, this insurrection will 
end? For us Americans, the censorship 
has shut down on the old world like a 
long night. But even through the battle- 
clouds of world-war we can see and grasp 
this huge, single fact: that the Socialist 
movement cannot stand still. In this 
convulsion it must go forward or be lost 
utterly. The war is against us, and we 
have no right to risk the issue by fighting 
solely on the defensive. That is the 
instinct of the French Socialist movement 
and it is kindling the first fires of the 
Social Revolution itself. 

We are on the edge of unprecedented 
and unpredictable history. There have 
been world-wars since the dawn of time, 
yet never before was there in every coun- 
try so formidable and rebellious a body 
of organized and aggressive public opin- 
ion against war. Never before have so 
many people grasped the principle that 
war is deliberate class-conspiracy against 
mass liberty. Whoever shall be victori- 
ous, the war spirit cannot have a much 
longer span on this earth. The ghastly 

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lesson we are about to learn will be, if 
not the end, the beginning of the end 
of scientific carnage as a means of set- 
tling the differences between nations. 

While we are straining our eyes to see 
how our European comrades are meeting 
their crisis abroad, there are measures 
which we can take here and now to clear 
our own country of at least one infamy 
as deep as European militarism. America 
is ostensibly the one great neutral power 
left in the world, yet day by day thou- 
sands of her sons by adoption are desert- 
ing her to help join in the slaughter of 
the enemies of their fatherland. Reserv- 
ists in European armies now living in 
America have a. perfect right to return 
to their slavery, but we should think 
twice about admitting them again to 
whatever citizenship of freedom this 
nation has tried to build up. Residents 
and citizens of America who go back to 
fight in Europe in this juncture in any 
other cause than that of war against war 
are betraying in the deepest sense that 
freedom they came to seek. 

Their action smirches with shameful 
dishonor the one real distinction of this 
country to any place in the world's strug- 
gle "for freedom: that all nations, what- 
ever their mutual hatred in Europe, could 
have found here the peace and mutual 
understanding symbolized in that great 
Melting Pot out of which the race of the 
future is to come. That Americans should 
murder Americans in the struggle of one 
blood-bespattered European throne against 
another— that is certainly the most disil- 
lusionizing proof we have ever had of the 
enfeeblement and dilution of the old Amer- 

ican idea of liberty as it looks today to 
our foreign-born citizens. But the Social- 
ist movement should demand that these 
sycophants of militarism be made to 
choose between this country and their 
own. If they choose for labor and lib- 
erty their American citizenship should be 
enough to protect them against the long 
arm of militaristic oppression from the 
fatherland they have left. But if they 
choose to obey their masters' conscrip- 
tion, let them renounce America. If they 
choose to fight for the Kaiser, let the 
Kaiser take care of them. If they choose 
to join this monstrous raid on liberty, 
let such liberty as we possess at any 
rate be denied to them till they shall 
choose whether they shall fight on the 
side of a Cossack or a republican world. 
We of America, for the present at any 
rate, can only watch this war. But the 
next struggle may be our own. The last- 
ing significance to us of the crises in 
Europe is that capitalism has at last 
thrown down a clear challenge to Social- 
ism. The wave of world-war is meant 
not for any aggression abroad but to 
rivet on the chains more securely at 
home. Unless Socialism resists it will 
be crushed. That is the plainest and most 
desperate truth. And to us who are 
building up the American Socialist move- 
ment as a wall against the great test and 
crisis that is bound to come here in our 
own life-time, the world-war in Europe 
is the prelude of a convulsion in America 
in which we will be challenged as our 
comrades across the sea are being chal- 
lenged today. 


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and the 
General Strike Against War 

By TXfilliam D. Haywood 

I EAN JAURES, the great peace advo- 
<J cate, is dead. He was assassinated 
on July 31 by a young student crazed with 
the war spirit. 

I first met Jaures at the International 
Socialistic Congress held at Copenhagen in 
1910; it was in the foyer of the congress 
hall. He was surrounded by representa- 
tives from all nations. His greetings were 
in French, a low, quiet voice of tremendous 
reserve power. He was of medium height, 
heavy frame, deep chest, massive shoulders, 
large head set low, broad forehead, furtive, 
restless dark gray eyes, full beard covering 
strong jaws and chin, just past the half 
century mark. 

The real character of Jaures was shown 
in the congress during the discussion of the 
resolution committee's report on the resolu- 
tion on arbitration and disarmament : 

"The congress declares that the arma- 
ments of the nations have alarmingly in- 
creased during recent years in spite of the 
peace congresses and the protestations of 
peaceful intention on the part of the gov- 
ernments. Particularly does this apply to 
the general movement of the governments 
to increase the naval armament whose lat- 
est phase is the construction of "dread- 
noughts." This policy leads not only to an 
insane waste of national resources for un- 
productive purposes and therefore to the 
curtailment of means for the realization of 
necessary social reforms in the interest of 
the working class, but it also threatens all 
nations with financial ruin and exhaustion 
through the insupportable burdens of indi- 
rect taxation. 

"These armaments have but recently en- 
dangered the peace of the world, as they 
always will. In view of this development 
which threatens all achievements of civiliza- 
tion, the well being of nations and the very 
life of the masses' this congress reaffirms 
the resolutions of the former international 
congresses, and particularly that of the 
Stuttgart congress. 

"The workers of all countries have no 
quarrels or difference which could lead to 
war. Modern wars are the result of capi- 
talism and particularly of rivalries of the 
capitalist classes of the different countries 
for the world market, and of the spirit 
of militarism, which is one of the main 
instruments of capitalist class rule and of 
the economic and political subjugation of the 
working class. Wars will cease completely 
only with the disappearance of the capital- 
istic mode of production. The working class, 
which bears the main burdens of war and 
suffers most from its effects, had the great- 
est interest in the prevention of wars. The 
organized Socialist workers of all countries 
are, therefore, the only reliable guaranty 
of universal peace. The congress, there- 
fore, again calls upon the labor organiza- 
tions of all countries to continue a vigorous 
propaganda of enlightenment as to the 
causes of war among all workers, and par- 
ticularly among the young people, in order 
to educate them in the spirit of international 

"The congress, reiterating the oft-repeated 
duty of Socialist representatives in the par- 
liaments to combat militarism with all 
means at their command and to refuse the 


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means for armaments, requires from its 
representatives : 

"(a) The constant reiteration of the de- 
mand that international arbitration be made 
compulsory in all international disputes. 

"(b) Persistent and repeated proposals 
in the direction of ultimate complete dis- 
armament, and, above all, as a first step, 
the conclusion of a general treaty limiting 
naval armaments and abrogating the 
right of privateering. 

"(c) The demand for the abolition of 
secret diplomacy and the publication of all 
existing and future agreements between the 

"(d) The guaranty of the independence 
of all nations and their protection from 
military attacks and violent suppression. 

"The International Socialist Bureau will 
support all Socialist organizations in their 
fight against militarism by furnishing them 
with the necessary data and information 
and will, when the occasion arrives, en- 
deavor to bring about united action. In 
case of warlike complications this congress 
reaffirms the resolution of the Stuttgart 
congress, which reads : 

" 'In case of war being imminent the 
working classes and their parliamentary rep- 
resentatives in the countries concerned shall 
be bound, with the assistance of the Inter- 
national Socialist Bureau, to do all they 
can to prevent the breaking out of the war, 
using for this purpose the means which 
appear to them the most efficacious, and 
which must naturally vary according to the 
acuteness of the struggle of classes and to 
the general political conditions. 

" 'In case war should break out, notwith- 
standing, they shall be bound to intervene 
for its being brought to a speedy end and 
to employ all their forces for utilizing the 
economical and political crisis created by 
the war, in order to rouse the masses of the 
people and to hasten the downbreak of the 
predominance of the capitalist class. 

" 'For the proper execution of these 
measures the congress directs the bureau, 
in the event of a war menace, to take imme- 
diate steps to bring about an agreement 
among the labor parties of the countries 
affected for united action to prevent the 
threatened war/ " 


"Among the means to be used in order 
to prevent and hinder war, the congress 

considers as particularly efficacious the gen- 
eral strike, especially in the industries that 
supply war with its implements (arms and 
ammunition, transport, etc.), as well as the 
propaganda and popular action in their 
most active forms. 

"Keir Hardie, 
"E. Vaillant." 

To be added to this Jaures proposed the 
following : 

"Among all the means of preventing and 
stopping war and of compelling govern- 
ments to resort to arbitration, the congress 
considers as particularly efficacious the gen- 
eral strike simultaneously and internation- 
ally organized in all the countries con- 

During the animated discussion that took 
place Jaures was easily the leader. His 
eloquent and forceful support of the prop- 
osition for the complete general strike, with- 
out regard to the mandate as to armament 
industries, was carried by 1,690 to 1,174. 

Again in King's hall during closing hours 
of the congress, the occasion being a mag- 
nificent reception to the foreign delegates, 
Juares with others, among them the writer, 
addressed the gathering. It was the mas- 
terful oratory, the magnetic power of Juares 
that aroused the crowd to the heights of 
enthusiasm. He spoke as he had at Stutt- 
gart, of the strength of a united proletariat. 

"Capitalism carried war in its womb ; the 
proletariat could make it miscarry. We 
ought to apply our already formidable force 
to all social manifestations of capitalist op- 
pression. We would be dishonored if we 
did not do our utmost to avoid war. The 
most pmdent, as also the noblest, was to 
perform our duty fearlessly." 

When his words ceased to reverberate 
throughout the big hall the delegates rushed 
to the platform, throwing their arms around 
Jaures. The lifted him to their shoulders 
and carried him around among the cheer- 
ing assemblage. No other delegate was 
given such greeting and ovation as this 
champion of the complete general strike 
against war. 

I met him again. It was in the office of 
L'Humanite in Paris during the general 
strike of the railway men. It was in his 
office that the syndicalist leaders of the 
strike were arrested. At this period Jaures 
led the forces opposing the renegade Briand, 
whom then premier was trying to break 

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the strike by compelling the railwaymen to 
become reservists. 

When Jaures and Emile Vandervelde of 
Belgium were en route to London I met 
them on the deck of a channel steamer. 
They were going to the World's metrop- 
olis to participate in the great anti-war 
demonstration held in Albert Hall in 
1910. Again rang out from the lips of 
Jaures the trumpet call of international 
solidarity for the general strike. 

Two days before Jaures was shot down 
he spoke at a demonstration in Brussels, 
predicting the social revolution that will 
come after the war is over. He said : "I, 
who have never hesitated to bring upon 
my head the hatred of our patriots by my 
desire to bring about a Franco-German un- 
derstanding, have the right to say that at 
this time the French government desires 
peace. But for the supreme masters the 
ground is mined. In the drunkenness of 
the first battles they succeed in pulling along 
the masses. In proportion as typhus com- 
pletes the work of death and misery these 
men will turn to the masters of Germany, 
France, Russia, Austria, Italy, etc., and 
will demand what reason they can give 

for all these corpses. And then the revo- 
lution will tell them: "Go and demand 
grace from God and the men." 

The last appeal of Jaures was for action. 
He deplored the futulity of words. He it 
was who put life and action in the Copen- 
hagen resolutions. His last editorial pub- 
lished the day following his death con- 
cludes : 

"The danger is great, but it is not un- 
avoidable if we preserve clearness of mind 
and a strong will. If we have both hero- 
ism of patience and heroism of action, the 
clear view of our duty will give us the 
power to accomplish it. What counts now 
is the continuity of action, the constant 
awakening of the reason and conscience of 
the workers. There lies true salvation. 
There lies the guarantee of the future." 

If the diplomats, statesmen and parlia- 
mentarians of the Socialist movement could 
have realized with Jaures the power of the 
general strike and joined with Italy in their 
demonstraiton to give "not a life, not a 
penny for war," the terrible carnage 
would have been averted. 

The great advocate of peace is dead. The 
general strike is a living issue — the only 
guarantee of peace. 

—International News Service. 

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By Charles Edward Russell 

THE Parasites that live upon labor 
and declare great dividends out of 
labor's poorly paid toil — they do 
not need to be encouraged to unite. 
They are firmly united already. 

No one needs to suggest to the gentle- 
men that are riding upon your backs that 
their interests are identical. They know 
that anyway. 

Nobody ever heard of rival organiza- 
tions of the exploiters getting in one an- 
other's way; it is only the exploited that 
do that. 

The riders are harmonious; it is the 
ridden that quarrel and are divided. 

When the railroads are trying to put 
over a fraudulent increase of freight 
rates, notice how absolutely they stand 


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together. One works for the others and 
all work for one in a way that is beauti- 
ful to behold. Or when they are trying 
to prevent their employes from getting 
an increase of wages, what harmony pre- 
vails! Or observe how carefully they 
guard one another's interests in the mat- 
ter of black-listing. Any man anywhere 
that is found to be an agitator or active 
in forming labor unions or prominent in 
a strike, is quickly known by name to 
every railroad in the country and cannot 
get work from any of them. 

So late as 1903, for instance, the men 
that took any prominent or active part in 
the great railroad strike of 1894 were 
black-listed and unable to get employ- 
ment on any railroad in the country. 
They had worked against the interest of 
the railroad combination and must be 
punished and made an example of. 

In the same way, any man that attacks 
organized wealth anywhere is boycotted 
everywhere. If he offends the banks in 
Oshkosh he offends them also in Spokane 
and Baraboo. 

Everywhere Greed preserves an un- 
broken front. It is only Need that stops 
to quarrel about trifles and while it quar- 
rels Greed picks its other pocket also. 

Suppose there was a fort held by five 
hundred men and five thousand men were 
trying to capture it. And suppose that 
every day the besieging army sent fifty 
men to make a charge against the fort. 
How long do you suppose the besiegers 
would be in capturing that position? 

If the whole five thousand went in one 
united body they could take the place 
without half trying. So long as they 
think more about bickering among them- 
selves than they think about assaulting 
the common enemy, the enemy, though 
few in numbers, will win. So long as the 
besiegers advance in detachments they 
might as well give up and go home. 

Two or three years ago there was a 
strike among the shop men of what is 
called the Harriman system of railroads, 
the Union Pacific, Southern Pacific, Illi- 
nois Central, and some others. 

It is certain that the railroad managers 
expected the strike and welcomed, if they 
did not secretly instigate, it. They de- 
sired a chance to crush union labor and 
were fully prepared to do so. For weeks 

before the strike was actually declared, 
work trains manned by union men were 
engaged in hauling lumber for shacks and 
stockades to house strike-breakers and 
scabs. Union carpenters were engaged in 
erecting such shacks and stockades. 
When the strike was declared union en- 
gineers, union firemen, union conductors 
and union brakemen carried to the shop 
towns thousands of strike-breakers and 
union switchmen helped to operate the 
trains that bore these enemies of theirs. 
Not willingly, any of them, of course; 
they knew what was on foot and knew 
the use that was being made of them 
to defeat their brother workers. But they 
were helpless. They belonged to separate 
unions. Each union had made a separate 
contract for itself with a separate date of 
expiration and this contract withheld it 
from giving to another union any effec- 
tive support. 

If the engineers could have struck with 
the shopmen, if the firemen could have 
refused to haul strike-breakers, the strike 
would have been won in twenty-four 
hours or less. But because of the division 
into separate unions, the rest of the army 
of labor was obliged not merely to stand 
by and see their brothers beaten but actu- 
ally to assist in beating them. 

In other words, it was the old story of 
advancing in detachments and being de- 
feated in detail. 

The same illustration was repeated in 
the case of the strike of the pressmen and 
stereotypers in Chicago in the spring 
of 1912. 

Here, was one of the greatest battles 
that labor ever fought and only prevented 
from being one of labor's greatest vic- 
tories by the failure of the compositors to 
join hands with their fellow workers. 
With the assistance of the compositors 
the strikers would have been invincible 
and could have dictated their own terms. 
But the compositors were helpless, being 
tied up with a separate contract made 
with their separate union and having a 
long term to run. They were obliged to 
stand by and help to issue the news- 
papers that were defeating and defraud- 
ing the workers. 

Such things have been repeated so 
often that they are perfectly (and pain- 
fully) familiar to every person that has 

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observed the course of the labor struggle 
in America. If there is a strike of miners, 
the engineers in that mine continue to 
hoist scab miners in and out; the en- 
gineers' union has a separate contract. 
If there is a strike in a factory, the ma- 
chinists cannot come out; they have a 
separate contract. When it expires the 
employers exact some concession, and 
then if the machinists strike the opera- 
tives in that factory cannot join them, 
because in the meantime they, too, have 
made a separate contract. The two to- 
gether could win justice and better con- 
ditions; fighting separately they are de- 
feated separately, and with ease. 

The employers clearly perceive this 
situation if the workers do not, and the 
employers bend every energy to keep the 
workers from uniting. 

An infinite variety of devices are used 
to this end, some of them exceedingly in- 
genious. If there is a labor leader any- 
where that cannot see the advantages of 
industrial over craft organization (that is, 
all railroad men in one union, all men in 
the printing trade in one union, and so 
forth) such a leader is singled out for 
subtle honors and attentions. He may 
be as honest as the day is long and may 
never suspect the reason for the distinc- 
tions that are heaped upon him, but the 
flattery will affect him, nevertheless. In 
spite of all reason and evidence, he will 
think that he has the kind regard of the 
employers because of his superior merit 
and character, and there is no wisdom 
after that able to keep him from being 
influenced by the suggestions he hears. 

Similarly, any man that stands for a 
genuine union of the forces of labor must 
expect nothing but ridicule and every 
form of misrepresentation from the jour- 
nals controlled in the interest of the em- 
ployers. He must also expect that the 
true origin of this abuse will never be 
recognized. and he will suffer accordingly 
in the estimation of his own class jfnd his 
own people. 

But to keep the workers divided on the 
political field is equally important to the 
employers and brings forth their most 
adroit schemes. They know perfectly 
well that the workers constitute the vast 
majority of the voters and that accord- 
ingly if the workers were ever to unite at 

the ballot box the; present supremacy of 
the employing class would vanish in- 
stantly. The constant object of the em- 
ployers, therefore, is to keep the workers 
divided, and to that end they bring out 
at every election some false issue by 
which the attention of the workers may 
be diverted from their own wrongs and 
be fixed upon something else. 

This is the only thing that has kept the 
old Republican and Democratic parties 
alive so many years after there has ceased 
to be any difference between them. 

Millions of workingmen vote the Re- 
publican ticket every year and other mil- 
lions vote the Democratic, and they 
might far better not vote at all. No 
human being is ingenious enough to men- 
tion a single advantage that any work- 
ingman has had from either the Repub- 
lican or the Democratic administrations. 
When workingmen vote the Republican 
or the Democratic ticket they are voting 
for the employing class. They might as 
easily vote for themselves, if they would, 
but the great majority continue to vote 
for their employers. The spectacle is one 
of the strangest and most unreasonable 
that can be imagined, but every year it 
is repeated, to the great satisfaction of 
the employing class and the increase of 
its profits. 

One year it is the tariff question that 
is relied upon to do this. We have, had 
more than thirty years of tariff discussion 
and sometimes we have had a high tariff 
and sometimes a low tariff, but all the 
time the workers continued to create all 
the wealth of the country and to get very 
little of the wealth they created. All the 
time, too, this great change has gone for- • 
ward unchecked, under which there is a 
constant increase in the cost of living but 
no corresponding increase in wages and 
salaries; under which, therefore, the 
workers have continued to grow poorer 
and poorer and the chances of their chil- 
dren to grow less. 

When it seems unlikely that the tariff 
can arouse the interest necessary to keep 
the workers from thinking about their 
plight, there is always something else that 
will do it. Sometimes it is reform ; some- 
times it is free silver coinage ; sometimes 
it is a personal contest between two well- 
known men, when the campaign takes on 

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the aspect of a prize fight and the sport- 
ing instincts of the people are appealed to. 
One of the most effective men for this 
purpose is Theodore Roosevelt. He has 
a good line of spectacular stunts and can 
be depended upon to get into the lime 
light every day with some new device. 
This keeps the people guessing and cen- 
ters their minds on Roosevelt instead of 
on themselves, the result being that either 
the Republicans or the Democrats get 
control of the government, and so far 
as the employing class and the exploiters 
are concerned, one is as good as the 

No matter which is in power, the old 
condition continues under which the 
workers create all the wealth of the coun- 
try and get very little of what they create 
and the cost of living continues to in- 
crease but there is no corresponding in- 
crease of wages and salaries. 

Every interest of the working class and 
of the nation, every interest material, intel- 
lectual or any other, demands that this 
shall be changed and at once. If nothing 
else were involved but the one great mat- 
ter of education, even that ought to be 
sufficient to move the worker as much 
as it moves every intelligent observer 
aware of the present appalling facts in 
regard to our public schools. 

In other words, even if the worker 
would not desire for his own sake to 
effect a radical change, he ought to think 
how directly all this comes home to his 

At the last meeting of the National 
Educational Association the startling 
fact was brought out that the children 
of the masses of this country are prac- 
tically uneducated and without a chance 
of securing an education. It is actually 
true that 75 per cent of the children in 
our public schools drop out at the close 
of the elementary courses or before. 
Fewer than 7 per cent complete the high 
school grade. 

That is to say, in the United States 
only the children of the rich and the well- 
to-do are receiving any kind of education 
worth the name. The children of the 
poor and of the workers are condemned 
at the start to a state of ignorance. 

Thus, in spite of ourselves, we have 
already established one aristocracy, the 
aristocracy of knowledge. 

The exploiters, constituting 1 per cent 
of the population, elect 99 per cent of the 
national legislators. The workers, con- 
stituting 70 per cent of the population, 
elect nobody at all. What would you 
naturally expect under such conditions? 
The legislators naturally work for those 
that put them into office. A man elected 
by the exploiting class and chosen from 
its ranks can no more represent labor or 
the masses than the King of Siam can 
represent the state of Iowa. 

This was always true, but it is now 
truer than ever, and infinitely more im- 
portant, as you will see at once if you 
will stop to reflect on the great changes 
that have occurred in the nature of pub- 
lic problems in the last twenty years. 

Here is something you never see dis- 
cussed in your newspaper and yet it is 
the most significant fact of the times. It 
is literally true that nine in ten of the 
topics now debated in Congress are not 
of the least importance to this nation. 
Nine-tenths of the time of Congress is 
frittered away. The eminent legislators 
might much better be employed in mak- 
ing mud pies or tatting. Nothing is of 
any real importance to this nation except 
the one question whether we are longer 
to continue the process under which the 
cost of living increases and increases but 
there is no corresponding increase of 
wages, and that question you never hear 
mentioned in Congress. 

Yet if that process shall continue much 
longer, we shall, in effect, have no nation 
worth bothering about. For two things 
will have happened. First, the great 
Groups of capitalists that at present have 
absorbed the control of almost half of the 
nation's wealth will have absorbed the 
rest of it so that all others will be merely 
the hired men of these, subject to a power 
the most colossal and irresponsible that 
ever existed on this earth. Second, the 
standard of living among the workers, 
now steadily declining under the present 
system, will have reached a level that no 
thoughtful man can contemplate without 
the gravest alarm. 

For the simple fact is that the strength 
of any nation lies solely in the physical 
welfare of its producers, the working 
class. There is not a particle of national 
strength nor public advantage in the ac- 
cumulation of much money in the hands 

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of any individual. Physical, mental and 
moral strength springs exclusively from 
the masses and does not exist where the 
masses are ill-fed and hopeless. For a 
nation to have enormous wealth in the 
possession of a few means not one thing 
that is good and everything that is 

What is at hand for this nation, there- 
fore, is obvious when we contemplate the 
fact that just as the masses grow poorer 
the few that are the beneficiaries of the 
present system grow richer. 

While for the masses the cost of living 
always increases and there is no corre- 
sponding increase in wages, this process 
is a pump that gathers the wealth of the 
land into the coffers of the men consti- 
tuting the Two Groups, already repre- 
senting by far the greatest private for- 
tunes ever possessed in this world. 

Also the greatest power. 

It is obviously true, therefore, as I said 
in the beginning of this chapter, that the 
life of the nation lies in the hands of the 
working class, and the \yorkers can solve 
all these problems and remove all these 
perils if they will. 

The one thing needful is that they 
should unite and begin to vote for them- 
selves instead of voting for the Parasites. 

If the country were in danger from a 
more obvious foe they would not hesitate. 
Suppose SQtne other nation to land troops 
upon our soil and practically the whole 
working class would rally to the defense 

of our country. It would do so instinc- 
tively and without counting the cost. 
Workers in every corner of the country 
would hasten to the recruiting offices to 
offer their lives, if need be, for the na- 
tional defense. They would leave their 
homes and their families for this exalted 
purpose and feel that in so doing they 
were but making a sacrifice absolutely 
demanded by their duty as citizens. Even 
if the outcome of the war was from the 
beginning a certainty and they knew that 
their country was really in no danger of 
destruction, they would still be willing 
to make for it so great a sacrifice. 

Every man that observed the rush to 
enlist at the time of the Spanish-Ameri- 
can war knows how true this is. 

But here is the country threatened by 
an enemy far worse than any that could 
possibly land a hostile force upon our 
shores. Here is a prospect of destruction 
far greater than could be wrought with 
cannon or an enemy's fleet. Not only is 
the national welfare and safety menaced 
but the future of the worker and of his 
children. As in the case of the other 
kind of war, the one source of defenders 
is in the working class. The .sacrifice 
required is not of lives but simply and 
only this, that the workers should lay 
aside every difference that now divides 
them and ceasing to vote for the Para- 
sites that exploit them begin to vote for 
themselves, to organize and act for them- 


100,000 copies sold in Germany before being suppressed. 

The terrible truth of this book will so arouse public opinion against the 
brutal inhumanity of war that it may well be called "The Uncle Tom's Cabin 
of the Twentieth Century." 

No one can read this accurate and frightful story without being con- 
vinced of the gigantic stupidity and cumulative horror of modern warfare. 

You can secure this book, along with a yearly subscription to the Review, 
for $1.30. This is one of the best offers the Review has ever been able to 
make its readers and will be good only to November 1st. 

Digitized by 







WAR in the Air is here. A fleet 
of aircrafts may change the 
map of Europe. Dirigibles, bi- 
planes, monoplanes and hydro- 
planes will probably exterminate thou- 
sands of soldiers and thousands of non- 
combatants, raze scores of cities and de- 
vastate miles of fields within the next 
few months. The winged fighters may 
turn the balance of power, two or three 
peoples be assimilated and a handful of 
monarchs be rudely separated from their 
dreams of European supremacy. 

The airship, the new lord of battle, is 
the cheapest and most powerful agent 
of destruction known. Its range is prac- 
tically unlimited, and it can seldom be 
successfully attacked except by crafts of 
its kind. 

The. airship sees everything and its 
well tuned wireless apparatus reports the 
slightest movement of the enemy to the 
field generals. Not long ago a British 
army colonel made the statement that 
one war with airships in the field would 
end international embroglios. Of course, 
he was hooted down by his confreres, 
but gave his reasons. 

"The infantry is powerless," he in- 
sisted, "if the sky is dotted with aero- 
planes. Fifty bombs properly placed can 

wreck a fleet, and one dirigible could raze 
London in twenty-four hours. With the 
improvement of the flying machine the 
war lords of Europe will realize the fu- 
tility of carnage." 

War in the Air is on today and it will 
take only a matter of a few weeks to de- 
termine whether the colonel is right or 
hot. If his forecast is correct England, 
France, Germany and Russia may be 
forced to agree to cease hostilities to 
avoid the extinction of their people and 
the destruction of their commercial life. 

These four countries are the air lords 
of Europe. France has nearly a thousand 
military machines. In the fall of 1913 
the Republic owned 344 monoplanes and 
biplanes of the latest type; had a hun- 
dred more under construction and had 
access to 500 of an earlier pattern. Be- 
sides these she had 25 dirigibles for army 
use and 20 more for the navy. But the 
balloons being non-rigid, are not of the 
most improved type. France has now 
several modern dirigibles. 

Russia is not far behind France in the 
mastery of the air although it is gen- 
erally conceded that England is well 
equipped. The Czar has always main- 
tained a strict secrecy as to Russia's num- 
ber and the patterns of her airships. But 


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News Service. 


she is known to possess more than 500 
planes and over a dozen dirigibles. 

The' Kaiser's domain has always been 
the real home of the lighter than air ma- 
chine. The government has taken up the 
work of Count Zeppelin, improved upon 
and appropriated it for its own use. The 
Kaiser now has 28 modern rigid dirigibles 
all capable of carrying from fifteen to 
thirty passengers and from twenty to 
thirty tons of nitro-glycerine cartridges 
capable of destroying London or Paris. 


They are all equipped with wireless ap- 
paratus capable of flashing messages 800 
miles. Besides these huge balloons the 
Kaiser's army has 200 modern heavier 
than air machines and 270 of older pat- 

Military critics predict that the present 
international conflict will come at night. 
A few German dirigibles could hover over 
Paris in the dark at a height of 700 feet 
dropping bombs every few minutes and 
make a poor target for other air crafts 
unless powerful searchlights were used. 
At daybreak they could fly for the rural 
districts and destroy the food supply of 
the nation. The newest Zeppelins can 
remain in the air three days without re- 
turning for gas. 

France would be helpless from attack 
were it not for her fleet of wonderful 
monoplanes. Paris might already have 
been attacked and destroyed if dozens of 
daring aviators had not constantly pro- 
tected .the city. At the very start of the 
conflict between France and Germany 
two mammoth dirigibles made for Paris, 
but they encountered a fleet of nearly a 
dozen watchful monoplanes and were 
promptly driven back to German terri- 
tory. The pursuit did not continue 
across the border. Doubtless France did 


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not care to invoke the fire of the airship 
guns of the Germans, which can be car- 
ried from point to point and even fastened 
to submarines. 

In the land of the Tricolor today patri- 
otic citizerls are all singing the praises 
of Roland Garros, the French aviator who 
sacrificed his life at Cirey-les-Forges, Au- 
gust 2nd, when he rammed his tiny bird- 
like machine into a ponderous cigar- 
shaped Zeppelin and exploded the gas 
bag, sending both crafts crashing to the 
earth. All of the twenty-six German offi- 
cers who were in the balloon and Garros, 
himself, were killed. The little French- 
man must have known that it meant cer- 
tain death to puncture the gas bag, and 
for that reason his countrymen hail him 
as a great hero. 

When the conflict is over it may be 
that this act of Garros will be the begin- 
ning of the end of patriotic homicide. 
Nothing more ghastly can be conceived 
than a war above the clouds with hun- 
dreds of men falling to death to protect 
property interests or to satisfy thfe am- 
bitions of a power-crazed monarch. 

For the past five years every European 
power has been preparing for war above 
ground. Every parliament has been asked 
to appropriate more and still more money 
for air craft, Austria now has 20 mono- 

planes, six biplanes, four dirigibles and 
four hydroplanes. Belgium has a few 
dirigibles and several heavier-than-air 
crafts. England has 101 air crafts, Bul- 
garia 15, Holland 12, Servia 10, Japan 21 
and Italy over 600. 

If the Italian government is drawn into 
the war whirlpool her aerial fleet may 
turn the tables. If she remains neutral 
it is possible that the decisive conflict 
may take place two or three miles above 
the solid earth. At the time this article 
is written, the German army is bom- 
barding Belgium forts and the French 
troops are hurrying to meet them. 

Suppose the great forces meet at Water- 
loo and that the Russian army is able to 
cross the German border and is hasten- 
ing to cut off German retreat and that 
the Austrian army is coming up from the 
South to aid her German ally. Suppose 
each army sends out a fleet of airplanes 
for scouting purposes. 

In such event there would be many 
skirmishes in the air. If few aviators 
were killed the infantry, which is the 
backbone of the fighting force, could be 
kept sleepless by the menace of the mono- 
planes. Every move of each company 
could be flashed to headquarters by wire- 
less; bombs dropped on powder maga- 
zines and commissary wagons. Whole 


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companies of soldiers would be annihi- 
lated by deadly gas' bombs, and water 
supplies poisoned. 

On the other hand the English would 
have joined the French and be advancing 
upon the old historic battlefield. The 
Kaiser's Zeppelins would seek to observe 
the manoeuvers of all the united oppos : 
ing forces and would hover above the 
armies, dropping poisonous gas bombs 
into the camps, killing hundreds of men 
with every explosion. Still higher up 
and darting at them in deadly attack 
would be the aeroplanes. 

Could anything in ancient warfare 
equal the destruction of such a battle and 
such a war! 

The poisonous gas bomb is another re- 
cent invention of the Krupp death fac- 
tories. It contains nearly 150 pounds of 
chemicals guaranteed to kill everyone 
within a hundred yards. 

But to go back to our contenders at 
Waterloo. By the time the armies met 
they would be in poor fighting condition 
because of the harrassment by the air 
crafts at night. Their ammunition may 
be destroyed, their food supply depleted 
and their ranks thinned by bombs. Every 
movement would be known to the 
enemy and skill in generalship would be 
a negligible quantity. 

Victory would belong to the side of the 
largest and best air fleet unless the air 
craft destroyers prove more effective than 
is anticipated. But victory surely will 
be the portion of the side that owns the 
most modern and powerful death-dealing 
machines. Perhaps we may look for the 
great aerial battles described so vividly 
by Mr. H. G. Wells in his last novel, "The 
World Set Free," wherein he claims that 
the stupendous destructive power of 
modern machine guns and air crafts will 
ultimately banish war from the face of 
the earth. We need Mr. ( Wells to de- 
scribe the modern Waterloo told of old 
by Victor Hugo. 

In "The World Set Free" Mr. Wells pre- 
dicts a general European war with the 
English and French joining forces with 
the Slavs against the Central Europeans. 

The following is quoted from his de- 
scription of a battle in the air : 

"The battle was joined with the swift- 
ness of dreaming. I do not think' it can 
have been five minutes from the moment 
when I first became aware of the Central 
European air fleet to the contact of the 
two forces. I saw it quite plainly m sil- 
houette against the luminous blue of the 
northern sky. The allied aeroplanes — 
they were mostly French — came pouring 
down like a fierce shower upon the middle 


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of the Central European fleet. They 
looked exactly like a coarser sort of rain. 
There was a crackling sound — the first 
sound I heard — it reminded one of the 
Aurora Borealis, and I suppose it was an 
interchange of rifle shots. There were 
flashes like summer lightning; and then 
all the sky became a whistling confusion 

" of battle that was still largely noiseless. 
Some of the Central European aeroplanes 
were certainly charged and overset; 
others seemed to collapse and fall and 
then flare out with so bright a light that 
it took the edge off one's vision and made 
the rest of the battle disappear as though 
it had been snatched back out of sight. 

"And then, while I still peered and 
tried to shade these flames from my eyes 
with my hand, and while the men about 
me were beginning to stir, the atomic 
bombs were thrown at the dykes. They 
made a mighty thunder in the air, and 
fell like Lucifer in the picture, leaving 
a flaring trail in the sky. The night, 
which has been pellucid and detailed and 

eventful, seemed to vanish, to be replaced 

abruptly by a black background to these 
tremendous pillars of fire. * * * 

"Hard upon the sound of them came 
a roaring wind, and the sky was filled 
with flickering lightnings and rushing 
clouds. * * * 

"There was something discontinuous in 
this impact. At one moment I was a 
lonely watcher in a sleeping world; the 
next saw everyone about me afoot, the 
whole world awake and amazed. * * * 

"And then the wind had struck me a 
buffet, taken my helmet and swept aside 
the summer house of Vreugde Bij Vrede 
as a scythe sweeps away grass. I saw 
the bomb fall, and then watched a great 
crimson flare leap responsive to each 
impact, and mountainous masses of red- 
lit steam and flying fragments clamber 
up toward the zenith. Against the glare 
I saw the countryside for miles standing 
black and clear, churches, trees, chim- 
neys. And suddenly I understood. The 
Central Europeans had burst the dykes. 
Those flares meant the bursting of the 
dykes, and in a little while the sea-water 
would be upon us. * * * " 




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Organize With the Unemployed 


By Mary E. Marcy 

WHAT would happen if we awoke 
tomorrow morning to find there 
were ten per cent more jobs 
than there were working men 
and women? Think of it! One hundred 
jobs for every ninety men! We would 
not be going around looking for work at 
the old wage scale, would we? And we 
would not need to. 

We would see the employers outbid- 
ding each other for men, offering 
shorter hours and higher pay in order to 
get workers to run the shops and fac- 
tories, and we would throw back our 
shoulders and look the jobs over and 
pretty nearly dictate our terms to the 

Now, by organizing with the men out of 
work, we can bring about just this happy 
state of affairs; 

The employers of labor are absolutely 
dependent on the unemployed to keep dozvn 
tvages. If there were no men or women 
to take our jobs, we could demand 
shorter hours and higher pay — in fact, 
we could soon demand so much that 
there would be no profits left for the 
bosses. Then nobody would be able to 
use the mines and (he railroads, the 
shops and the land for the purpose of 
making big dividends "by exploiting the 
working class. 

Today the capitalist, or employing 
class, owns all the great tools, or ma- 
chines, by which things are produced. 
The employing class owns the land, the 
mills, the mines and the factories. They 
own the railroads and the shops. They 
own these things and want to own these 
things — not for the purpose of raising 
food for people to eat, or building houses 
for them to live in, or making clothes for 
them to wear. They own these things 
for the purpose of robbing the working 
class — for the sake of profits. 

There would be no profits for the em- 
ployer if all the shoe workers in a fac- 
tory got $2,000 in wages when they made 
$2,000 worth of shoes. If steel mill 

workers secured $10,000 in pay for mak- 
ing ten thousand dollars' worth of steel 
rails, the steel mill would be unable to 
send any dividends over to Scotland to 
Mr. Carnegie. The men who did the 
work would get the full value of their 
product and there would be no rake-off 
for the useless capitalist. 

No profit-grabber would care to own 
a steel mill or a shoe factory under such 
conditions. They would have to go to 
work in the mill or factory alongside 
you and me. 

We are today unable to name the price 
at which we will sell our strength, or our 
brains, to the boss because there are 
scores of unemployed men and women 
who are offering their brains and muscles 
at just enough to live on. If we demand 
higher wages or shorter hours, they will 
undersell us and get the jobs. 

This is how the employers use the un- 
employed to keep our wages down ; and ' 
it is by keeping wages down that they 
are able to draw profits from the shops 
and mills. 

The employers need the unemployed in 
order to make profits almost as much as 
thc^y need workers. It is time we recog- 
nized this fact and organized with them 
ourselves. We need the unemployed just 
as vitally as the bosses do. But all these 
years we have struggled to hold our jobs, 
to raise or maintain wages, to secure 
shorter hours, without taking any ac- 
count of the thousands of "laid-off" work- 
ers who need those jobs just as much 
as we do. 

We call these men scabs when hunger 
drives them to take our jobs at lower 
wages, and we even beat them up and 
drive them out of cities and treat them 
like our bitterest enemies, all because 
their need is so great that they are driven 
to take our jobs at lower wages, to keep 
from starving. 

Can you blame a man whose wife is 
sick and whose children are crying for 
food when he goes to work on your job 


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for a dollar a week less than you are get- 
ting? You may find yourself in the same 
fix week after next. 

Would you lower the wage scale and 
take another man's job in order to pay 
for a doctor when your wife's new baby 
is coming? Or would you let her lie in 
some dingy tenement, uncared for and 
die? What would you do? 

This is the position many of our unem- 
ployed comrades find themselves in 
every day in the year and it is- this fear 
of death and starvation and suffering that 
forces them to take somebody's job at 
almost any price. 

Now, I do not see how we are ever 
going to materially raise wages or benefit 
any very large portion of the working 
class so long as there is an army of des- 
perately hungry men and women willing 
and anxious to take our jobs for lower 

Consider the situation of our craft 
union friends. Some of them are organ- 
ized in so close and exclusive a union 
that they charge foreign applicants for 
membership $1,000 for initiation fees, as 
do the glass blowers. Other unions have 
closed their books and are refusing all 
new members. Still others limit the 
number of apprentices who are permitted 
to learn their trade — in order to continue 
a monopoly of laborers in their own par- 
ticular craft. These policies do not help 
the working class at all. And these craft 
unions are even unable to give jobs to 
their own members. There sure always 
thousands of members of the most exclu- 
sive craft unions who are out of work. 

I know scores of skilled union men who 
do not have steady work six months in 
the year. And some of them scab when 
there is great need at home. 

The point we have to recognize is that 
the man who was "laid off" yesterday 
and who is looking for work is precisely 
the same kind of a human being as you 
and I. 

We workers have been accustomed to 
regard him as a most undesirable mem- 
ber of society. We have generally 
shunned him and held on to our jobs 
more tightly when we saw him come 
around. But he can always turn to this 
boss or that boss and, if he is efficient 
and will work for low enough wages, 
he can nearly always cut us out of a job. 

That is how the boss uses the out-of- 
works against us and against themselves. 

Is there any union in the world organ- 
ized or in the process of organization— 
for the purpose of co-operating or uniting 
with, or aiding and finding jobs for the 
unemployed? If there is I have never 
heard of it. And until you join with the 
out-of-works, who need your jobs today, 
you are never going to be able to help 
yourself or the working class to any great 

What prevents you from demanding 
higher wages today? You know and I 
know it is the men who are forced to seek 
your jobs. The boss can lay you off 
and put thgm on at any time. 

You are always competing for jobs 
with the unemployed whether you realize 
it or not. And you must stop competing 
with them and begin to realize your need 
of them and their need of you. We must 
organize and co-operate with the out-of- 
works against the employing class. 

We must stand by the unemployed in 
order to have them stand by us. When 
one of the shops closes down, let the men 
in the other shops unite, to share with 
their out-of-work comrades instead of 
turning their backs upon them, with the 
distinct understanding that no one will go 
to work at less than the prevailing wage 

Isn't it better for a hundred employed 
men to support ten comrades who are 
"laid dff" than it is to let hunger drive 
them into your own jobs at lower wages? 

Already it is the working class that 
partially supports the unemployed. But we 
have not done enough to keep them from 
being forced to take our jobs and to lower 
the wage scale. Much that we have 
given has been done grudgingly and half- 
heartedly. Thousands of unemployed are 
compelled to sleep in barracks, in jails 
and in parks. Thousands who apply at 
the municipal soup kitchens are turned 
away hungry every night and still others 
have been driven from cities at the point 
of guns. 

If the men and women on the jobs 
would support their unemployed com- 
rades for one month with the understand- 
ing that nobody should go to work for 
less than the prevailing rate of wages — 
those on the jobs would be in a position 
to dictate new terms to their employers. 

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They could demand shorter hours — which 
would, give work to some of those who 
were unemployed. 

Or they could enforce a five-work-day 
week and force the bosses to' employ 
those who were out of work the other- 
day. The men on the jobs would not 
long need to share their wages with the 
unemployed. Soon they would be in a 
position to share their labors also. 

Remember that as soon as we begin to 
control the supply of workers or labor 
power we can shorten hours and raise 
wages. And the only way we can con- 
trol the number of applicants for jobs is 
by uniting with the unemployed. 

Hitherto everybody has despised the 
unemployed except the boss. Now that 
we realize how much the employers need 
and use them, perhaps we will be wise 
enough to rob the enemy of his biggest 
gun. We need the co-operation of our 
out-of-work comrades and hereafter we 
must organise with them to present a united 
front against the boss. 


The employing class desires to own fac- 

tories, shops, mills and mines— only be- 
cause they can force the workers to make 
profits for them in these shops or mills. 
The only reason a steel mill brings a big 
price in Wall Street is because it is a 
great dividend payer. The moment a 
railroad stops earning profits it becomes 
a drug on the market. 

When we begin to organize with the 
unemployed in order to control the sup- 
ply of the workers' laboripg power, we 
begin to sound the doom of the whole 
profit system. For as soon as we are par- 
tially able to regulate the number of 
workers for the various jobs, we will 
begin to gain strength to shorten hours, 
to raise wages and to put the unemployed 
to work. 

And all this will eat steadily into the 
profits of the employing class, until the 
working class shall become strong enough 
to take the value of its product and the 
profit system, of robbery and of wages, 
shall come to an end. 

Working men on the job, unite with 
your unemployed comrades; control your 
joint labor power, absorb the profits of 
the boss and the world is yours ! 

Latest News From South Africa 


READERS of The Review may be 
interested in learning what devel- 
opments are taking place in South 
Africa following upon the whole- 
sale imprisonments and the deportations 
of January last. It will be in the minds 
of regular readers that in July of 1913 
an industrial crisis arose which resulted 
in favor of the men. Representatives of 
the Government at that time, particularly 
Generals Botha and Smutts, entered into 
undertakings with delegates of the unions 
which resulted in a stoppage of hostili- 
ties. Subsequent events have once more 
demonstrated the foolishness of relying 
upon statesmen. Immediately work was 
resumed, not only did those gentlemen 
ignore all the apparently sacred promises 
and pledges they had given, but they im- 
mediately proceeded to prepare the mili- 
tary forces at their disposal and to bring 
others into existence, and as soon as 

ready these Cabinet Ministers proceeded 
to provoke the men to the point of active 

The railways are state owned, and the 
railway men were amongst those who 
had very serious grievances which they 
desired rectified. Many railway men 
average about fourteen shillings a day 
(two dollars), whilst thousands of rail- 
way men — white men at th^tt — do not re- 
ceive more than one dollar a day for full 
pay, and the purchasing power of money 
here is less than in the U. S. A. 

As a result of the very deliberate 
maneuvering of the railway departmental 
administration, it reached the stage when 
a section of the men determined to resist, 
and they struck before others could be 
communicated with. Martial law was de- 
clared, shooting, killing, imprisonments 
and deportings took place. 

When I arrived in South Africa at the 

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end of March I found that the unions had 
suffered seriously as the result of what 
they had passed through, for, concur- 
rently with the direction of forces of the 
government hostile to the workers — par- 
ticularly the trade unionists — almost 
every group OI employers instructed their 
managers to institute a policy of victim- 
ization. Many hundreds of men were re- 
fused work at the mines. Miners, engi- 
neers, general workers, whoever had been 
known to be identified with the unions, 
were not only refused work, but were 
blacklisted as well. The railway depart- 
ment issued a list of five hundred and 
sixty men who are not to be re-employed. 
This policy, on top of the imprisonment 
of the most capable of the men, naturally 
disheartened many, but the militants were 
more militant still, and are so aj: this 
hour, and they are saddled with the heavy 
work of reorganizing the union forces. 
The Defense Force, which the political 
Labor Party had helped to bring into ex- 
istence, was the chief agency used against 
the men. 

Had real working class solidarity been 
a fact, neither this force nor any other 
could have interfered with the success of 
the men. But real solidarity was not 
within the mental compass of any but the 
merest handful, as, for instance, the 15,000 
men of all grades and colors in Cape 
Town. There has never been more than 
2,500 organized, and those have never had 
any organized relationship with other 
districts except in cases where the union 
itself covered a larger area. The same is 
true of Durban in Natal. I have found 
the greatest contrasts here. Never in my 
somewhat lengthy experience have I 
found men more callous and in some in- 
stances more cowardly, whilst the mili- 
tant few are splendidly courageous. 

I have had excellent meetings in every 
district of a public character. It is when 
I get down to the actual meeting for or- 
ganizing that I reach bed rock and find 
obstacles in the way. However, I am 
glad to say as regards the railway men 
that there is now a healthy upward ten- 
dency for reorganization and in spite of 
heaps of difficulties there will soon be a 
powerful body of well organized railway 
men and harbor workers. 

Internationalism has received a fillip. 
The British and Australian organized 
railway workers have not only sent mes- 
sages of good will but have also sent sub- 
stantial -sums of money to enable the rail- 
way here to solidify their forces. 

It is hoped that in a few weeks the de- 
portees will return on the invitation of 
the organized workers here who, mean- 
time, are relating themselves with their 
comrades in Europe to prepare for future 

Not only is reorganization of the unions 
receiving special attention, but efforts at 
co-operation are also being made. Thus 
in Pretoria and several other places co- 
operative societies have been started and 
the organized bakers of Johannesburg are 
now about to launch a co-operative bak- 
ery as a preliminary to a reduction of 
hours and increase of pay to be demanded 
by them throughout the trade. 

Some of the labor politicians have been 
somewhat scared by my propagandist ef- 
forts. They had been urging the work- 
ers to the view that everything could be 
obtained by the ballot, and some of them 
had never belonged to a trade union. 
Finding this was a hindrance to political 
advance, they are now joining the unions, 
but their influence on the movement is 
harmful as they are really worshippers 
of the "state"and have no conception of 
the control of industry by the men di- 
rectly engaged in industry. 

I am encouraging the men to rely en- 
tirely upon themselves, to build up their 
industrial organizations so correctly that 
through them and by them they will 
themselves decide the conditions under 
which industry shall be run. 

Allowance must be made for the large 
number of workers not of European 
origin. In British South Africa there are 
one and a quarter million of whites, al- 
most the same number of colored, i. e., 
having some white in them, and nearly 
six millions of blacks. Still the colored 
men are showing a dispositon and ca- 
pacity to organize, and with increasing 
intelligence on the part of the whites, the 
solidarity on the part of all workers as a 
class becomes necessary and possible and 
will be achieved. 

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The Gunmen and the Miners 

By Eugene V. Debs 

THE time has come for the United 
Mine Workers and the Western 
Federation of Miners to levy a 
special monthly assessment to create 

This fund should be sufficient to provide 
each member with the latest high power 
rifle, the same as used by the corporation 
gunmen, and 500 rounds of cartridges. 

In addition to this every district should 
purchase and equip and man enough Gat- 
ling and machine guns to match the equip- 
ment of Rockefeller's private army of as- 

This suggestion is made advisedly and I 
hold myself responsible for every word 
of it. 

If the corporations have the right to re- 
cruit and maintain private armies of thieves, 
thugs and ex-convicts to murder striking 
workingmen, sack their homes, insult their 
wives, and roast their babes, then labor 
unions not only have the right but it is their 
solemn duty to arm themselves to resist 
these lawless attacks and defend their homes 
and loved ones. 

To the miners especially do these words 
apply, and to them in particular is this 
message addressed. 

Paint Creek, Calumet and Ludlow are of 
recent occurrence. 

You miners have been forced out on 
strike, and you have been made the victims 
of every conceivable method of persecution. 

You have been thrown into foul dun- 
ganize, you have been robbed, insulted and 
treated with contempt ; you have seen your 
wives and babes murdered in cold blood 
before your eyes. 

You have been thrown into foul un- 
geons where you have lain for months for 
daring to voice your protest against these 
cruel outrages, and many of you are now 
cold in death with the gaping bullet wounds 
in your bodies to bear mute testimony to the 
efficacy of government by gunmen as set up 
in the mining camps by the master class dur- 
ing the last few years. 

Under government by gunmen you are 
literally shorn of the last vestige of liberty 
and you have absolutely no protection under 

the law. When you go out on strike, your 
master has his court issue the injunction 
that strips you of your power to resist his 
injustice, and then has his private army of 
gunmen invade your camp, open fire on 
your habitations and harass you and your 
families until the strike is broken and you 
are starved back into the pits on your mas- 
ter's terms. This has happened over and 
over again in all the mining states of this 

Now the private army of gunmen which 
has been used to break your strikes is an 
absolutely lawless aggregation. 

If you miners were to arm a gang of 
thugs and assassins with machine guns and 
repeating rifles and order them to march on 
the palatial residences of the Rockefellers, 
riddle them with bullets, and murder the in- 
mates in cold blood, not sparing even the 
babes, if there happened to be any, how 
long would it be before your officials would 
be in jail and your unions throttled and, 
put out of business by the law ? 

The Rockefellers have not one particle 
more lawful right to maintain a private 
army to murder you union men than you 
union men would have to maintain a pri- 
vate army to murder the Rockefellers. 


~In a word, the protection the govern- 
ment owes you and fails to provide, you are 
morally bound to provide for yourselves. 


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You have the unquestioned right, under 
the law, to defend your life and to protect 
the sanctity of your fireside. Failing in 
either, you are a coward and a craven and 
undeserving the name of man. 

If a thief or thug attacks you or your 
wif^ or child and threatens to take your 
life, you have a lawful right to defend 
yourself and your loved ones, even to the 
extent of slaying the assailant. This right 
is quite as valid and unimpaired — in fact 
it is even more inviolate — if the attack is 
made by a dozen or a hundred, instead of 
only one. 

Rockefeller's gunmen are simply mur- 
derers at large, and you have the same 
right to kill them when they attack you 
that you have to kill the burglar who 
breaks into your house at midnight or the 
highwayman who holds you up at the point 
of his pistol*. 

Rockefeller's hired assassins have no 
lawful right that you miners are bound to 
respect. They are professional man-kill- 
ers, the lowest and vilest on earth. They 
hire out to break your strike, shoot up 
your home and kill you, and you should 
have no more compunction in killing them 
than if they were so many mad-dogs or 
rattlesnakes that menaced your homes and 
your community. 

Recollect that in arming yourselves, as 
you are bound to do unless you are willing 
to be forced into abject slavery, you are 
safely within the spirit and letter of the 

The constitution of the United States 
guarantees to you the right to bear arms, 
as it does to every other citizen, but there 
is not a word in this instrument, nor in any 
United States statute, state law, or city 
ordinance, that authorizes the existence of 
a private army for purposes of cold-blooded 
murder and assassinatioii. 

"Mine guard" is simply a master class 
term for a working class assassin. 

Let the United Mine Workers and the 
Western Federation of Miners take note 
that a private army of gunmen is simply 
a gang of outlaws and butchers and that 


Let these unions and all other organized 
bodies of workers that are militant and not 
subservient to the masters, declare war to 

the knife on these lawless and criminal 
hordes and swear relentless hostility to gov- 
ernment by gunmen in the United States. 

Murderers are no less murderers be- 
cause they are hired by capitalists to kill 
workingmen than if they were hired by 
workingmen to kill capitalists. 

Mine guards, so-called, are murderers 
pure and simple, and are to be dealt with 
accordingly. The fact that they are in uni- 
form, as in Colorado, makes them even 
more loathsome and repulsive than the 
common reptilian breed. 

A "mine guard" in the uniform of a state 
militiaman is a copper-head in the skin of 
a rattlesnake, and possibly only because an 
even deadlier serpent has wriggled his slimy 
way into the executive chair of the state. 

It remains only to be said that we stand 
for peace, and that we are unalterably op- 
posed to violence and bloodshed if by any 
possible -means, short of absolute degrada- 
tion and self-abasement, these can be pre- 
vented. We believe in law, the law that ap- 
plies equally to all and is impartially ad- 
ministered, and we perfer reason infinitely 
to brute force. 

But when the law fails, and in fact, be- 
comes the bulwark of crime and oppression, 
then an appeal to force is not only morally 
justified, but becomes a patriotic duty. 

The Declaration of Independence pro- 
claims this truth in words that burn with 
the patriotic fervor the revolutionary fath- 
ers must have felt when they rose in re- 
volt against the red-coated gunmen of King 
George and resolved to shoot king rule out 
of existence. 

Wendell Phillips declared that it was the 
glory of honest men to trample bad laws 
under foot with contempt, and it is equally 
their glory to protect themselves in their 
lawful rights when those who rule the law 
fail to give them such protection. 

Let the unions, therefore, arm their 
members against the gunmen of the corpo- 
rations, the gangs of criminals, cut-throats, 
woman-ravishers and baby-burners that 
have absolutely no lawful right to existence! 

Let organized labor, from one end of the 
country to the other, declare war on these 
privately licensed assassins, and let the 
slogan of every union man in the land be 


Digitized by 


The Advent of the Diesel-Motor 

By Barbara Lidy Frankenthal 

DAY by day more and more of the 
work of the world is taken up by 
machinery. In a bulletin recently 
issued by the U. S. Government, it 
is estimated that four and one-half million 
factory workers of the United States turn 
out a product equal to the hand labor of 
forty-five million men. 

This means that 90 per cent of the work 
in the factories is done by machinery, or 
that one man, with the help of machines, 
is enabled to produce ten times more than 
he needs; in other words, to satisfy the 
want of one man for one day, a factory 
worker requires only one hour, instead of 
ten, as he is working now. For whom does 
he work the remaining nine hours? 

The bankers, brokers, merchants, sol- 
diers and the whole gang of parasites do 
not produce one day's need in their whole 
lifetime; they make money, but do not 
create wealth. But, one might say, the 
capitalists furnishing the machines. But 
it was the steel mill workers, who did that. 
The capitalists keep them alive while they 
are building the machines and then take 
the machines away from the workers, by 
power of police, if necessary. 

But to come back to the story. A very 
large part of the machinery, in use, is 
driven by steam power, which means largely 
coal power and both the getting and the 
burning of this coal involves a terrible 
waste, of human labor. 

First the coal is dug from the mines, 
where one-third of it is lost or left in such 
shape that it cannot be used. After being 
brought to daylight, it is shipped by rail- 
roads or ships, sometimes thousands • of 
miles, before it comes to the steam engine. 
Here it is shoveled and burned beneath the 
boiler to transform the water into steam, 
my which operation perhaps 90 per cent 
of the heat escapes unused through the 

The steam is led into the cylinder to give 
the piston the to and fro movement through 
its expansive energy, thereby turning the 

power wheel. It so happens that ordinarily 
not more than five per cent of the stored 
energy in the coal becomes available for 
human needs. Even the finest quadruple- 
expansion engines with all the modern de- 
vices for superheated steam, etc., to aug- 
' ment their capacity, do not utilize more 
than 15 per cent. 

By far a greater advance is represented 
by the gas engines, in which, by first turn- 
ing the coal into gas and then exploding 
this in the motors, more than double the 
amount of energy now becomes available. 
In the best type of gas engines the yield 
rises as high as 25 per cent; and in Ger- 
many the residual products from turning 
the coal into gas far more than pay the cost 
of doing this, so that the gain is clear. But 
all this is commercially feasible only in the 
great manufacturing centers and the cities, 
and, consequently, the gas engine in spite 
of the great saving it achieves, has yet but 
a restricted field. 

For quite other reasons the same is true 
of the gasoline, benzine and similar motors 
such as are used in automobiles. Here the* 
price of petrol is almost prohibitive for 
commercial purposes and has become in- 
creasingly so with the enormous extension 
in the use of motor cars. 

However, we are now on the eve of a 
new epoch in this line through the inven- 
tion of Dr. Rudolph Diesel, the German 
engineer, who so mysteriously disappeared 
last October on his voyage to England. 

It is now 20 years since Dr. Diesel pub- 
lished the first sketch of his remarkable 
theory and of the motor which was to real- 
ize his idea. The motor is simplicity itself. 
Every school boy knows that if air is com- 
pressed very sharply it becomes hot and 
can be used to explode powder, etc., in a 
tube. Dr. Diesel's plan was to use the 
stroke of the piston to compress a consid- 
erable volume of air into a very small space, 
so as to put it under a very high pressure ; 
and at the instant, the pressure reached a 
maximum, to force into this chamber a jet 


Digitized by 




of vaporized oil. The compression was to 
be so high that the air would instantly ig- 
nite the oil and burn it under highly fa- 
vorable conditions. It is a true burning, 
and not an explosion, as in the ordinary 
gasoline motor of the automobiles. His 
idea was taken up by some of the engine 
works in Germany, but it required fully 
four years to perfect a commercial device. 
The superiority of the new motor was evi- 
dent from the first. Actually it realized a 
full third of the theoretical heat energy of 
the oil, and this latter did not need to be 
gasoline or other expensive essence, but 
could be ordinary crude oil, such as conies 
out of the earth. The device is self-ignit- 
ing, requires no auxiliary system and little 
or no attention. 

It was soon found, however, that the new 
motor had to be made with exceptional 
care, and that, therefore, the cost of its 
development for commercial use was high. 
The fact that capitalists are not interested 
in progress as such, but in profit, explains 
why it is that, in spite of the great econo- 
mies it achieves, the Diesel motor is only 
now becoming widely known. 

In Germany, at the current price of crude 
oil, the Diesel motor produces power at 
from a quarter to a half cent per norse- 
power-hour. In the United States the cost 
is rather less. This is far beyond the 
economy of any other form of engine, and 
four or five times cheaper than the ordinary 
steam engine. Its only concurrent is wa- 
terpower, and waterpower is not every- 
where available, and often requires a heavy 
outlay that it may be utilized. Crude oil 
on the other hand may be shipped and 
stored much more easily than coal, and the 
supply of it is very large and widely dis- 
tributed over the earth. 

The escaping hot gas from the Diesel 
motor can be employed for heating, and the 
by-products which can be obtained from it 
will, it is estimated, under proper condi- 
tions, more than cover the cost of the 
original fuel, so that the Diesel motor prom- 
ises to rival the waterfall in future as a 
producer of the world's power. Like the 
waterfall, it will, under the most favorable 
conditions, mean that the expense will be 
simply the fixed charges of a plant and the 
cost of maintenance. 

It is already evident that the Diesel 
motor will largely displace steam and this 
will first make itself felt upon the ships, 

not merely because it realizes four or five 
times the power from the amount or vol- 
ume of fuel, but- it only occupies, together 
with the motor, about a quarter of the space 
required for a steam engine and its boilers 
and coal bunkers. This new motor has 
already been successfully tried on railroad 
locomotives and experiments are under 
way with a view to introduce it for driving 
automobiles. Most of the leading engine 
works in Europe have taken up the con- 
struction of the Diesel motor in all sizes. A 
large number of middle sized ships and 
various municipal power plants are already 
driven by it. In the United States a pow- 
erful company has just been organized for 
the purpose of constructing these motors 
and the General Petroleum Company in 
California is going to erect a plant in San 
Francisco for the construction of motor 
ships for the coastwise trade, which, of 
course, will force the owners of steamers 
to follow. 

Indeed, the development of the crude-oil 
and coal-tar industry has been so rapid that 
the running of a Diesel motor may become 
a source of profit sufficient to cover all 
charges, and will actually mean power with- 
out cost. Consider what this will mean 
when, at no distant day, nine-tenths of the 
work of the world will be done by machines 
operated free of expense! 

What the Diesel Motor Means to the 
Unskilled Laborer 

Unskilled labor is synonymous with cheap 
manual labor. Why is it cheap labor? Be- 
cause it is worth little? No, quite the con- 
trary ; all the brains of the world could not 
accomplish anything without the manual, 
executive labor. It is the creative part of 
work, while brain effort is the directive 
one. What is the use of a man that has 
superior brain and excellent ideas, but no 
arms to bring them into reality? 

The low valuation of manual labor has 
no original basis. The workers, not having 
free access to either the sources or the 
means, of production of wealth, are com- 
pelled to sell their labor power at the mar- 
ket price. The market price of any com- 
modity is determined by the cost of pro- 
duction of that commodity, varying some- 
what according to the relation of supply 
to demand. The market price of labor 
power is determined by the cost of produc- 

Digitized by 




tion of that labor power, not by the value 
of labor's product. Unskilled or manual 
labor is cheapest everywhere because there 
are so many who have a chance to do that 
kind of work, as there is nothing to learn. 
If so many had a chance to become lawyers, 
the municipal lodging houses would be be- 
sieged by lawyers. As to the cheapness of 
production, the labor power of the Diesel 
motor leaves everything far behind. 

A Chinese laborer in China receives 
about 10 cents for a day's work, because it 
does not require more to keep him alive. 
One horse power of the Diesel motor turns 
out at least three or four times the amount 
of the work of the Chinese laborer for 
sixty minutes every hour and twenty-four 
hours every day, without grumbling, rest 
or sleep, and all this for 10 cents. All the 
"Diesel motor man" requires is a little oil 
for his stomach and a little bit of oil for his 
joints; he never strikes, nor does he care 
for holidays. This machine requires no 
food when out of work. In short, this is 
indeed a "willing and loyal" worker for 
the employer. 

To give a vivid idea of the fearful com- 
petition of the Diesel motor, one must 
imagine an invasion of hordes of strong 
and tireless men from an unknown country 
that are willing to work incessantly for 
twenty-four hours every day for about 10 
cent^. Wherever there is work done by a 
gang that possibly can be done by machine 
power, the "Diesel motor men* 9 will take 
it away from the unskilled laborers, those 
extravagant gentlemen who ask a fair wage 
for a fair day's work. 

To Firemen and Machinists 

Fireman? The Diesel motor will fire 
him. It has no use for firemen, no more 
than it has for coal-passers. A turn of the 
valve of the oil-supply pipe is all that is 
necessary to do away with the drudgerous 
work of the firemen and coal-passers. 

The motor itself is so simple and so well 
regulated that trained machinists can be 
dispensed with. While they might be pre- 
ferred, the number of their jobs will be 
greatly reduced. So, for instance, in the 
engine and boiler-rooms of these big mod- 
ern ocean steamers about 300 to 400 coal- 
passers, firemen and machinists are now 
employed. If Diesel motors are installed, 
thirty or forty machinists and helpers will 
be amply sufficient to run them. 

To Coal Miners and Railroad Men 

Without going into details as to what 
extent the world's output of coal will be 
affected by the advent of the Diesel motor 
as a power and heat-producing means, it is 
safe to say that coal miners will lose their 
best weapon in the struggle against the 
oppressing class by it. 

When the Diesel motor has supplanted 
the steam engine of the private and mu- 
nicipal plants, also of railroads and steam- 
ships, the necessity of coal will be no more 
of such an imperative nature as it is .today. 
Coal will then occupy but a secondary posi- 
tion in modern industries. 

Therefore, the future strikes of the coal 
miners will not have the same compelling 
strength and important consequences as 
they have at present. No more will it be 
possible to stop the country's railroads, to 
shut down factories and to cripple the 
world's commerce by tying up the steam- 
ships as it has been attained lately during 
the coal miners' strike in Great Britain. 

The same is the case with the railroad 
men. A well organized railroad strike has 
the same, if not a stronger, effect than a 
miner's strike; the coal is of no use in 
front of the mines, the railroad men must 
first bring it to the place where it is needed. 
The coal traffic is indeed the chief item of 
railroad transportation, at least this is so in 
the United States. Not even a combined 
strike of the miners and the railroad men 
will have a reasonable fraction of the fun- 
damental effect that a strike of either has 
today. The reason for this is that the oil 
for the Diesel motors undoubtedly will be 
conveyed to the industrial centers and to 
the sea coast through pipe lines, as it is 
largely done nowadays. 

To the Small Farmers and Farm Hands 

More power is spent through the plow 
than in all the factories in the world. The 
toil of turning the cultivated face of- the 
earth once each year by the plow consumes 
more power than all the railways, street 
cars and automobiles combined. For every 
single acre of land, a man with plow and 
team must traverse a distance of eight 
miles. In order to run the mechanism of 
the farms in the United States alone, it 
requires 20 million horses and mules. 
According to the U. S. Agricultural De- 
partment, a horse needs five acres yearly 

Digitized by 




for keep, so that it necessitates 100 million 
acres to produce the motive power to run 
the farms. This is a larger area than is 
required for raising the country's crops of 
wheat, potatoes, rye and rice. On the 
other hand, the continuous rise in value of 
farm land does the rest to make a change 
for another source of motive power abso- 
lutely indispensable. 

And the change is at hand. It is the 
tractor that will replace the horses and 
most of the farm hands and also squeeze 
out the small farmer. The onmarch of the 
farm tractor is so sudden and victorious 
that the U. S. census of 1910 did not bring 
out any statistical figures about it, while 
now the yearly output is more than 50 
thousand of these machines. They may be 
considered as having a combined working- 
capacity of about twenty-five horses and 
ten men, which can be doubled if circum- 
stances call for it. 

The uses of the all-round tractor in the 
field, shop and barn are indeed numberless, 
and any intelligent farm hand can learn in 
a few hours to operate them. This tractor 
can do the plowing right behind the binder 
when it is too hot for the horses to do it, 
and, with a headlight, may be operated dur- 
ing the night. The plowing done by the 
tractor is not only better, but also one dollar 
cheaper per acre than it can be accom- 
plished with horses. Besides, it can be 
used for seeding, harvesting, threshing, hay 
baling, hauling grain to the market, pump- 
ing water, road building, and so on. This 
wonderful adaptability of the tractor can 
be exploited to its full advantage on big 
farms only, where there is enough work for 
it. On the other hand, it is too expensive 
for the small farmer to buy. 

The farm tractor was the missing link in 
the combination that made it possible to 
manage agriculture on a big scale and along 
strictly capitalistic business lines. There- 
fore, every improvement of the farm tractor 
will strengthen and hasten the passing of 
the small farmer. According to the U. S. 
census of 1910 more than 30 thousand 
small farms went out of business in the 
three best middle west states of Indiana, 
Illinois and Iowa, while the population of 
their rural districts showed a decrease of 
255,002 persons during the time of 1900 
to 1910. 

Not only the capitalist's tractors do bet- 
ter, cheaper and quicker work, but also they 

stand in the barn without any extra ex- 
pense during the winter or when out of 
work, while the small farmer's horses are 
eating their heads off. 

All tractors now in use are driven by 
high priced fuel, such as gasoline, kerosene, 
etc. The coming of the Diesel tractor, 
therefore, will further lessen the running 
expenses of the capitalist farm and thereby 
contribute to outdistance the small farmer 
more and more in his struggle for existence. 

It is evident that many farm hands will 
lose their jobs as long as this kind of 
"progress" is going on. 


The foregoing lines give a clear instance 
of how the master class gains ground from 
the working class through one single inven- 
tion. There come every day new inventions 
that have similar consequences to those of 
the Diesel motor. Almost every invention 
in machinery has as its purpose increased 
production with less human help, and that 
means a loss to the workers under present 

In order to avoid complete annihilation 
or to make any headway at all, the working 
class must completely change its attitude 
in the class struggle against the masters. 
Up to the present time the workers have 
fought only when they were forced to do 
so. They strike or take similar drastic 
measures when the cost of living has gone 
up to such an extent that they cannot live 
on the prevailing wages, or they cannot en 
dure any longer the shameful working cor 

In short, the workers have always been 
on the defensive to recover lost ground, so 
that after the fight they are in the same 
position as some time before the fight. The 
spirit of defense, however, is "NOT TO 
LOSE." That is all. 

To go toward victory in the industrial 
revolution that is already in its beginning 
stage, the workers must embue their brains 
with the spirit of attack. That means, 
"TO WIN." 

They must continuously attack and fight, 
both industrially and politically, for a 
steady betterment of their lot and working 
conditions. There can be no standing still. 
There is either advance to victory and 
freedom or retreat to eternal slavery and 

Digitized by 






By Jack London 

(Published by permission of Comrade London from advance sheets of his new book, "The Strength of the Strong,' 

Macmillan Company, New York.) 

IT WAS. Silas Bannerman who finally 
ran down that scientific wizard and 
arch-enemy of mankind, Emil Gluck. 
Gluck's confession, before he went to 
the electric chair, threw much light upon 
the series of mysterious events, many ap- 
parently unrelated, that so perturbed the 
world between the years 1933 and 1941. 
It was not until that remarkable docu- 
ment was made public that the world 
dreamed of there being any connection 
between the assassination of the King and 
Queen of Portugal and the murders of 
the New York City police officers. While 
the deeds of Emil Gluck were all that 

was abominable, we cannot but feel, to a 
certain extent, pity for the unfortunate, 
malformed, and maltreated genius. This 
side of his story has never been told be- 
fore, and from his confession and from 
the great mass of evidence and the docu- 
ments and records of the time we are able 
to construct a fairly accurate portrait of 
him, and to discern the factors and pres- 
sures that moulded him into the human 
monster he became and that drove him 
onward and downward along the fearful 
path he trod. 

Emil Gluck was born in Syracuse, New 
York, in 1895. His father, Josephus 


Digitized by 




Gluck, was a special policeman and night 
watchman, who, in the year 1900, died 
suddenly of pneumonia. The mother, a 
pretty, fragile creature, who, before her 
marriage, had been a milliner, grieved 
• herself to death over the loss of her hus- 
band. This sensitiveness of the mother 
was the heritage that in the boy became 
morbid and horrible. 

In 1901, the boy, Emil, then six years 
of age, went to live with his aunt, Mrs. 
Ann Bartell. She was his mother's sis- 
ter, but in her breast was no kindly feel- 
ing for the sensitive, shrinking boy. Ann 
Bartell was a vain, shallow, and heartless 
woman. Also, she was cursed with pov- 
erty and burdened with a husband who 
was a lazy, erratic ne'er-do-well. Young 
Emil Gluck was not wanted, and Ann 
Bartell could be trusted to impress this 
fact sufficiently upon him. As an illus- 
tration of the treatment he received in 
that early, formative period, the following 
instance is given. 

When he had been living in the Bartell 
home a little more than a year, he broke 
his leg. He sustained the injury through 
playing on the forbidden roof — as all boys 
have done and will continue to do to the 
end of time. The leg was broken in two 
places between the knee and thigh. Emil, 
helped by his frightened playmates, man- 
aged* to drag himself to the front side- 
walk, where he fainted. The children of 
the neighborhood were afraid of the hard- 
featured shrew who presided over the 
Bartell house; but, summoning their 
resolution, they rang the bell and told 
Ann Bartell of the accident. She did not 
even look at the little lad who lay 
stricken on the sidewalk, but slammed 
the door and went back to her wash-tub. 
The time passed. A drizzle came on, and 
Emil Gluck, out of his faint, lay sobbing 
in the rain. The leg should have been 
set immediately. As it was, the inflam- 
mation rose rapidly and made a nasty 
case of it. At the end of two hours, the 
indignant women' of the neighborhood 
protested to Ann Bartell. This time she 
came out and looked at the lad. Also she 
kicked him in the side as he lay helpless 
at her feet, and she hysterically disowned 
him. He was not her child, she said, and 
recommended that the ambulance be 
called to take him to the city receiving 
hospital. Then she went back into the 

It was a woman, Elizabeth Shepstone, 
who came along, learned the situation, 
and had the boy placed on a shutter. It 
was she who called the doctor, and who, 
brushing aside Ann Bartell, had the boy 
carried into the house. When the doctor 
arrived, Ann Bartell promptly warned 
him that she would not pay him for his 
services. For two months the little Emil 
lay in bed, the first month on his back 
without once being turned over; and he 
lay neglected and alone, save for the oc- 
casional visits of the unremunerated and 
over-worked physician. He had no toys, 
nothing with which to beguile the long 
and tedious hours. No kind word was 
spoken to him, no soothing hand laid 
upon his brow, no single touch or act of 
loving tenderness — naught but the re- 
proaches and harshness of Ann Bartell, 
and the continually reiterated informa- 
tion that he was not wanted. And it can 
well be understood, in such environment, 
how there was generated in the lonely, 
neglected boy much of the bitterness and 
hostility for his kind that later was to 
express itself in deeds so frightful as to 
terrify the world. 

It would seem strange that,, from the 
hands of Ann Bartell, Emil Gluck should 
have received a college education ; but the 
explanation is simple. Her ne'er-do-well 
husband, deserting her, made a strike in 
the Nevada gold-fields, and returned to 
her a many-times millionaire. Ann Bar- 
tell hated the boy, and immediately she 
sent him to the Farristown Academy, a 
hundred miles away. Shy and sensitive, 
a lonely and misunderstood litle soul, he 
was more lonely than ever at Farristown. 
He never came home, at vacation and 
holidays, as the other boys did. Instead, 
he wandered about the deserted buildings 
and grounds, befriended and misunder-' 
stood by the servants and gardeners, 
reading much, it is remembered, spending 
his days in thq fields or before the fire- 
place with his nose poked always in the 
pages of some book. It was at this time 
that he over-used his eyes and was com- 
pelled to take up the wearing of glasses, 
which same were so prominent in the 
photographs of him published in the 
newspapers in 1941. 

He was a remarkable student. Appli- 
cation such as his would have taken him 
far; but he did not need application. A 
glance at a text meant mastery for him. 

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The result was that he did an immense 
amount of collateral reading and acquired 
more in half a year than did the average 
student in half a dozen years. In 1909, 
barely fourteen years of age, he was 
ready — "more than ready," the head- 
master of the academy said — to enter 
Yale or Harvard. His juvenility pre- 
vented him from entering those universi- 
ties, and. so, in 1909, we find him a fresh- 
man at historic Bowdoin College. In 
1913 he graduated with highest honors, 
and immediately afterward followed 
Professor Bradlough to Berkeley, Cali- 
fornia. The one friend that Emil Gluck 
discovered in all his life was Professor 
Bradlough. The latter's weak lungs had 
led him to exchange Maine for California, 
the removal being facilitated by the 
offer of a professorship in the State Uni- 
versity. Throughout the year 1914, Emil 
Gluck resided in Berkeley and took spe- 
cial scientific courses. Toward the end 
of that year two deaths changed his 
prospects and his relations with life. The 
death of Professor Bradlough took from 
him the one friend he was ever to know, 
and the death of Ann Bartell l|ft him 
penniless. Hating the unfortunate lad to 
the last, she cut him off with one hun- 
dred dollars. 

The following year, at twenty years of 
age, Emil Gluck was enrolled as an in- 
structor of chemistry in the University 
of California. Here the years passed 
quietly; he faithfully performed the 
drudgery that brought him his salary, 
and, a student always, he took half a 
dozen degrees. He was, among other 
things, a Doctor of Sociology, of Phi- 
losophy, and of Science, though he was 
known to the world, in later days, only 
as Professor Gluck. 

He was twenty-seven years old when 
he first sprang into prominence in the 
newspapers through the publication of 
his book, "Sex and Progress." The book 
remains today a mile-stone in the history 
and philosophy of marriage. It is a 
heavy tome of over seven hundred pages, 
painfully careful and accurate, and start- 
lingly original. It was a book for sci- 
entists; and not one calculated to make a 
stir. But Gluck, in the last chapter, using 
barely three lines for it, mentioned the 
hypothetical desirability of trial mar- 
riages. At once the newspapers seized 

these three lines, "played them up yel- 
low," as the slang was in those days, and 
set the whole world laughing at Emil 
Gluck, the bespectacled young professor 
of twenty-seven. Photographers snapped 
him, he was besieged by reporters, 
women's clubs throughout the land 
passed resolutions condemning him and 
his immoral theories; and on the floor 
of the California Assembly, while dis- 
cussing the state appropriation to the 
University, a motion demanding the ex-* 
pulsion of Gluck was made under threat 
of withholding the appropriation — of 
course, none of. his persecutors had read 
the book; the twisted newspaper version 
of only three lines of it was enough for 
them. Here began Emil Gluck's hatred 
for newspaper men. By them his serious 
and intrinsically valuable work of six 
years had been made a laughing stock 
and a notoriety. To his dying day, and 
to their everlasting regret, he never for- 
gave them. 

It was the newspapers that were re- 
sponsible for the next disaster that befell 
him. For the five years following the 
publication of his book he had remained 
silent, and silence for a lonely man is 
not good. One can conjecture sympa- 
thetically the awful solitude of Emil 
Gluck in that populous university ; for he 
was without friends and without sym- 
pathy. His only recourse was books, and 
he went on reading and studying enor- 
mously. But in 1927 he accepted an in- 
vitation to appear before the Human In- 
terest Society of Emeryville. He did not 
trust himself to speak, and as we write 
we have before us a copy of his learned 
paper. It is sober, scholarly, and sci- 
entific, and, it must also be added, con- 
servative. But in one place he dealt 
with, and I quote his words, "the indus- 
trial and social revolution that is taking 
place in society." A reporter, present, 
seized upon the word "revolution," di- 
vorced it from the text, and wrote a 
garbled account that made Emil Gluck 
appear an anarchist. At once, "Professor 
Gluck, anarchist," flamed over the wires 
and was appropriately "featured" in all 
the newspapers in the land. 

He had attempted to reply to the pre- 
vious newspaper attack, but now he re- 
mained silent. Bitterness had already 
corroded his soul. The University fac- 

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ulty appealed to him to defend himself, 
but he sullenly declined, even refusing to 
enter in defense a copy of his paper to 
save himself from expulsion. He refused 
to resign, and was discharged from the 
University faculty. It must be added 
that political pressure had been put upon 
the University Regents and the Presi- 

Persecuted, maligned and misunder- 
stood, the forlorn and lonely man made 
no attempt at retaliation. All his life he 
had been sinned against, and all his life 
he had sinned against no one. But his 
cup of bitterness was not yet full to over- 
flowing. Having lost his position, and 
being without any income, he had to find 
work. His first place was at the Union 
Iron Works, in San Francisco, where he 
proved a most able draughtsman. It 
was here that he obtained his first-hand 
knowledge of battleships and their con- 
struction. But the reporters discovered 
him and featured him in his new voca- 
tion. He immediately resigned and found 
another place ; but after the reporters had 
driven him away from half a dozen posi- 
tions, he steeled himself to brazen out the 
newspaper persecution. This occurred 
when he started his electro-plating estab- 
lishment in Oakland, on Telegraph av- 
enue. It was a small shop, employing 
three men and two boys. Gluck himself 
worked long hours. Night after night, 
as Policeman Carew testified on the 
stand, he did not leave the shop till one 
and two in the morning. It was during 
this period that he perfected the im- 
proved ignition device for gas engines, 
the royalties from which ultimately made 
him wealthy. 

He started his electro-plating establish- 
ment early in the spring of 1928, and it 
was in the same year that he formed the 
disastrous love attachment for Irene 
Tackley. Now, it is not to be imagined 
that an extraordinary creature such as 
Emil Gluck could be any other than an 
extraordinary lover. In addition to his 
genius, his loneliness, and his morbid- 
ness, it must be taken into consideration 
that he knew nothing about women. 
Whatever tides of desire flooded his being, 
he was unschooled in the conventional 
expression of them; while his excessive 
timidity was bound to make his love- 
making unusual. Irene Tackley was a 

rather pretty young woman, but shallow 
and light-headed. At the time she 
worked in a small candy store across the 
street from Gluck's shop. He used to 
come in and drink ice-cream sodas and 
lemon-squashes, and stare at her. It 
seems the girl did not care for him, and 
merely played with him. He was "queer," 
she said ; and at an other time she called 
him a crank when describing how he sat 
at the counter and peered at her through 
his spectacles, blushing and stammering 
when she took notice of him and often 
leaving the shop in precipitate confusion. 

Gluck made her the most amazing 
presents — a silver tea service, a diamond 
ring, a set of furs, opera glasses, a pon- 
derous "History of the World" in many 
volumes, and a motorcycle all silver- 
plated in his own shop. Enters now the 
girl's lover, p'utting his foot down, show- 
ing great anger, compelling her to re- 
turn Gluck's strange assortment of pres- 
ents. This man, William Sherbourne, 
was a gross and stolid creature, a heavy- 
jawed man of the working class, who had 
become a successful building contractor 
in a small way. Gluck did not under- 
stand. * He tried to get an explanation, 
attempting to speak with the girl when 
she Went home from work in the evening. 
She complained to Sherbourne, and one 
night he gave Gluck a beating. It was 
a very severe beating, for it is on the rec- 
ords of the Red Cross Emergency Hos- 
pital that Gluck was treated there that 
night and was unable to leave the hos- 
pital for a week. 

Still Gluck did not understand. He 
continued to seek an explanation from 
the girl. In fear of Sherbourne, he ap- 
plied to the Chief of Police for permis- 
sion to carry a revolver, which permis- 
sion was refused, the newspapers as 
usual playing it up sensationally. Then 
came the murder of Irene Tackley, six 
days before her contemplated marriage 
with Sherbourne. It was on a Saturday 
night. She had worked late in the candy 
store, departing after eleven o'clock with 
her week's wages in her purse. She rode 
on a San Pablo avenue surface car to 
Thirty-fourth street, where she alighted 
and started to walk the three blocks to 
her home. That was the last seen of her 
alive. Next morning she was found, 
strangled, in a vacant lot. 

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Emil Gluck was immediately arrested. 
Nothing that he could do could save him. 
He was convicted, not merely on circum- 
stantial evidence, but on evidence "cooked 
up" by the Oakland police. There is no 
discussion but that a large portion of the 
evidence was manufactured. The testi- 
mony of Captain Shehan was the sheerest 
perjury, it being proved long afterward that 
on the night in question he had not only 
not been in the vicinity of the murder, 
but that he had been out of the city in a 
resort on the San Leandro Road. The 
unfortunate Gluck received life imprison- 
ment in San Qu^ntin, while the news- 
papers and the public held that it was a 
miscarriage of justice — that the death 
penalty should have been visited upon 

Gluck entered San Quentin prison on 
April 17, 1929. He was then thirty-four 
years of age. And for three years and a 
half, much of the time in solitary confine- 
ment, he was left to meditate upon the 
injustice of man. It was during that 
period that his bitterness corroded home 
and he became a hater of all his kind. 
Three other things he did during the 
same period; he wrote his famous 
treatise, "Human Morals," his remark- 
able brochure, "The Criminal Sane," and 
he worked out his awful and monstrous 
scheme of revenge. It was an episode 
that had occurred in his electro-plating 
establishment that suggested to him his 
unique weapon of revenge. As stated in 
his confession, he worked every detail out 
theoretically during his imprisonment, 
and was able, on his release, immedi- 
ately to embark on his career of ven- 

His release was sensational. Also it 
was miserably and criminally delayed by 
the soulless legal red tape then in vogue. 
On the night of February 1, 1932, Tim 
Haswell, a hold-up man, was shot during 
an attempted robbery by a citizen of 
Piedmont Heights. Tim Haswell lin- 
gered three days, during which time he 
not only confessed to the murder of 
Irene Tackley, but furnished conclusive 
proofs of the same. Bert Danniker, a 
convict dying of consumption in Pelsom 
Prison, was implicated as accessory, and 
his confession followed. It is inconceiv- 
able to us of today — the bungling, dila- 
tory processes of justice a generation 
ago. Emil Gluck was proved in Feb- 

ruary to be an innocent man, yet he was 
not released until the following October. 
For eight months, a greatly wronged 
man, he was compelled to undergo his 
unmerited punishment. This was not 
conducive to sweetness and light, and we 
can well imagine how he ate his soul 
with bitterness during those dreary eight 

He came back to the world in the fall 
of 1932, as usual a "feature" topic in all 
the newspapers. The papers, instead of 
expressing heartfelt regret, continued 
their old sensational persecution. One 
paper did more — the "San Francisco In- 
telligencer." John Hartwell, its editor, 
elaborated an ingenious theory that got 
around the confessions of the two crim- 
inals and went to show that Gluck was 
responsible, after all, for the murder of 
Irene Tackley. Hartwell died. And 
Sherbourne died, too, while Policeman 
Phillips was shot in the leg and dis- 
charged from the Oakland police force. 

The murder of Hartwell was long a 
mystery. He was alone in his editorial 
office at the time. The reports of the re- 
volver were heard by the office boy, who 
rushed in to find Hartwell expiring in 
his chair. What puzzled the police was 
the fact, not merely that he had been 
shot with his own revolver, but that the 
revolver had been exploded in the drawer 
of his desk. The bullets had torn through 
the front of the drawer and entered his 
body. The police scouted the theory of 
suicide, murder was dismissed as ab- 
surd, and the blame was thrown upon the 
Eureka Smokeless Cartridge Company. 
Spontaneous explosion was the police ex- 
planation, and the chemists of the cart- 
ridge company were well bullied at the 
inquest. But what the police did not 
know was that across the street, in the 
Mercer Building, Room 633, rented by 
Emil Gluck, had been occupied by Emil 
Gluck at the very moment Hartwell's 
revolver so mysteriously exploded. 

At the time, no connection was made 
between Hartwell's death and the death 
of William Sherbourne. Sherbourne had 
continued to live in the home he had 
built for Irene Tackley, and one morn- 
ing in January, 1933, he was found dead. 
Suicide was the verdict of the coroner's 
inquest, for he had been shot by his 
own revolver. The curious thing that 

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happened that night was the shooting of 
Policeman Phillips on the sidewalk in 
front of Sherbourne's house. The police- 
man crawled to a police telephone on the 
corner and rang up for an ambulance. 
He claimed that some one had shot him 
from behind in the leg. The leg in ques- 
tion was so badly shattered by three .38 
caliber bullets that amputation was nec- 
essary. But when the police discovered 
that the damage had been done by his 
own revolver, a great laugh went up, and 
he was charged with having been drunk. 
In spite of his denial of having touched 
a drop, and of his persistent assertion 
that the revolver had been in his hip 
pocket and that he had not laid finger to 
it, he was discharged from *the force. 
Emil Gluck's confession, six years later, 
cleared the unfortunate policeman of dis- 
grace, and he is alive today and in good 
health, the recipient of a handsome pen- 
sion from the city. 

Emil Gluck, having disposed of his 
immediate enemies, now sought a wider 
field, though his enmity for newspaper 
men and for the police remained always 
active. The royalties on his ignition 
device for gasolene engines had mounted 
up while he lay in prison, and year by 
year the earning power of his invention 
increased. He was independent, able to 
travel wherever he willed over the earth 
and to glut his monstrous appetite for 
revenge. He had become a monomaniac 
and an anarchist — not a philosophic an- 
archist, merely, but a violent anarchist. 
Perhaps the word is misused, and he is 
better described as a nihilist, or an anni- 
hilist. It is known that he affiliated with 
none of the groups of terrorists. He op- 
erated wholly alone, but he created a 
thousand-fold more terror and achieved 
a thousand-fold more destruction than 
all the terrorist groups added together. 

He signalized his departure from Cali- 
fornia by blowing up Fort Mason. In his 
confession he spoke of it as a little experi- 
ment — he was merely trying his hand. 
For eight years he wandered over the 
earth, a mysterious terror, destroying 
property to the tune of hundreds of mil- 
lions of dollars, and destroying count- 
less lives. One good result of his awful 
deeds was the destruction he wrought 
among the terrorists themselves. Every 
time he did anything the terrorists in the 

vicinity were gathered in by the police 
drag-net and many of them were exe- 
cuted. Seventeen were executed at Rome 
alone, following the assassination of the 
Italian King. 

Perhaps the most world-amazing 
achievement of his was the assassination 
of the King and Queen of Portugal. It 
was their wedding day. All possible pre- 
cautions had been taken against the ter- 
rorists, and the way from the Cathedral, 
through Lisbon's streets, was double- 
banked with troops, while a squad of two 
hundred mounted troopers surrounded 
the carriage. Suddenly the amazing 
thing happened. The automatic rifles of 
the troopers began to go off, as well as 
the rifles, in the immediate vicinity, of 
the double-banked infantry. In the ex- 
citement the muzzles of the exploding 
rifles were turned in all directions. The 
slaughter was terrible — horses, troops, 
spectators, and the King and Queen, were 
riddled with bullets. To complicate the 
affair, in different parts of the crowd be- 
hind the foot-soldiers, two terrorists had 
bombs explode on their persons. These 
bombs they had intended to throw if they 
got the opportunity. But who was to 
. know this? The frightful havoc wrought 
by the bursting bombs but added to the 
confusion; it was considered part of the 
general attack. 

One puzzling thing that could not be 
explained away was the conduct of the 
troopers with their exploding rifles. It 
seemed impossible that they should be 
in the plot, yet there were the hundreds 
their flying bullets had slain, including 
the King and Queen. On the other hand, 
more baffling than ever, was the fact that 
seventy per cent of the troopers them- 
selves had been killed or wounded. Some 
explained this on the ground that the 
loyal foot-soldiers, witnessing the attack 
on the royal carriage, had opened fire on 
the traitors. Yet not one bit of evidence 
to verify this could be drawn from the 
survivors, though many were put to the 
torture. They contended stubbornly that 
they had not discharged their rifles at all, 
but that their rifles had discharged them- 
selves. They were laughed at by the 
chemists, who held that, while it was 
just barely probable that a single cart- 
ridge, charged with the new smokeless 
powder, might spontaneously explode, it 

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was beyond all probability and possi- 
bility for all the cartridges in a given 
area, so charged, spontaneously to ex- 
plode. And so, in the end, no explanation 
of the amazing occurrence was reached. 
The general opinion of the rest of the 
world was that the whole affair was a 
blind panic of the feverish Latins, pre- 
cipitated, it was true, by the bursting of 
two terrorist bombs; and in this connec- 
tion was recalled the laughable encounter 
of long years before between the Rus- 
sian fleet and the English fishing boats. 

And Emil Gluck chuckled and went 
his way. He knew. But how was the 
world to know? He had stumbled upon 
the secret in his old electro-plating shop 
on Telegraph Avenue in the city of Oak- 
land. It happened, at that time, that a 
wireless telegraph station was estab- 
lished by the Thurston Power Company 
close to his shop. In a short time his 
electro-plating vat was put out of order. 
The vat-wiring had many bad joints, and, 
on investigation, Gluck discovered minute 
welds at the joints in the wiring. These, 
by lowering the resistance, had caused an 
excessive current to pass through the so- 
lution, "boiling" it and spoiling the work. 
But what had caused the welds? was the 
question in Gluck's mind. His reasoning 
was simple. Before the establishment of 
the wireless station, the vat had worked 
well. Not until after the establishment 
of the wireless station had the vat been 
ruined. Therefore the wireless station 
had been the cause. But how? He 
quickly answered the question. If an 
electric discharge was capable of oper- 
ating a coherer across three thousand 
miles of ocean, then, certainly, the elec- 
tric discharges from the wireless station 
four hundred feet away could produce 
coherer effects on the bad joints in the 
vat wiring. 

Gluck thought no more about it at the 
time. He merely re-wired his vat and 
went on electro-plating. But afterwards, 
in prison, he remembered the incident, 
and like a flash there came into his mind 
the full significance of it. He saw in it 
the silent, secret weapon with which to 
revenge himself on the world. His great 
discovery, which died with him, was con- 
trol over the direction and scope of the 
electric discharge. At the time, this was 
the unsolved problem of wireless teleg- 

raphy — as it still is today — but Emil 
Gluck, in his prison cell, mastered it. 
And, when he was released, he applied 
it. It was fairly simple, given the direct- 
ing power that was his, to introduce a 
spark into the powder-magazines of a 
fort, a battleship, or a revolver. And 
not alone could he thus explode powder 
at a distance, but he could ignite con- 
flagrations. The great Boston fire was 
started by him — quite by accident, how- 
ever, as he stated in his confession, add- 
ing that it was a pleasing accident and 
that he had never had any reason to re- 
gret it. 

It was Emil Gluck that caused the ter- 
rible German-American War, with the 
loss of 800,000 lives and the consumption 
of almost incalculable treasure. It will 
be remembered that in 1939, because of 
the Pickard incident, strained relations 
existed between the two countries. Ger- 
many, though aggrieved, was not anxious 
for war, and, as a peace token, sent the 
Crown Prince and seven battleships on a 
friendly visit to the United States. On 
the night of February 15 the seven war- 
ships lay at anchor in the Hudson oppo- 
site New York City. And on that night 
Emil Gluck, alone, with all his apparatus 
on board, was out in a launch. This 
launch, it was afterwards proved, was 
bought by him from the Ross, Turner 
Company, while much of the apparatus 
he used that night had been purchased 
from the Columbia Electric Works. But 
this was not known at the time. All that 
was known was that the seven battle- 
ships blew up, one after another, at regu- 
lar, four-minute intervals. Ninety per 
cent of the crews and officers, along with 
the Crown Prince, perished. Many years 
before, the American battleship Maine 
was blown up in the harbor of Havana, 
and war with Spain had immediately fol- 
lowed — though there has always existed 
a reasonable doubt as to whether the 
explosion was due to conspiracy or acci- 
dent. But accident could not explain the 
blowing up of the seven battleships on 
the Hudson at four-minute intervals. 
Germany believed that it had been done 
by a submarine, and immediately de- 
clared war. It was six months after 
Gluck's confession that she returned the 
Philippines and Hawaii to the United 

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In the meanwhile Emil Gluck, the 
malevolent wizard and arch-hater, trav- 
eled his whirlwind path of destruction. 
He left no traces. Scientifically thor- 
ough, he always cleaned up after him- 
self. His method was to rent a room or 
a house, and secretly to install his appa- 
ratus — which apparatus, by the way, he 
so perfected and simplified that it occu- 
pied little space. After he had accom- 
plished his purpose he carefully removed 
the apparatus. He bade fair to live out 
a long life of horrible crime. 

The epidemic of shooting of New York 
City policemen was a remarkable affair. 
It became one of the horror mysteries of 
the time. In two short weeks over a hun- 
dred policemen were 'shot in the legs by 
their own revolvers. Inspector Jones did 
not solve the mystery; but it was his idea 
that finally outwitted Gluck. On his 
recommendation the policemen ceased 
carrying revolvers, and no more acci- 
dental shootings occurred. 

It was in the early spring of 1940 that 
Gluck destroyed the Mare Island navy 
yard. From a room in Vallejo he sent, 
his electric discharges across the Vallejo 
Straits to Mare Island. He first played 
his flashes on the battleship Maryland. 
She lay at the dock of one of the mine 
magazines. On her forward deck, on a 
huge temporary platform of timbers, 
were disposed over a hundred mines. 
These mines were for the defence of the 
Golden Gate. Any one of these mines 
was capable of destroying a dozen battle- 
ships, and there were over a hundred 
mines. The destruction was terrific, but 
it was only Gluck's overture. He played 
his flashes down the Mare Island shore, 
blowing up five torpedo boats, the tor- 
pedo station, and the great magazine at 
the eastern end of the island. Returning 
westward again, and scooping in occa- 
sional isolated magazines on the high 
ground back from the shore, he blew up 
three cruisers and the battleships Ore- 
gon, Delaware, New Hampshire and 
Florida — the latter had just gone into 
dry-dock, and the magnificent dry-dock 
was destroyed along with her. 

It was a frightful catastrophe, and a 
shiver of horror passed through the land. 
But it was nothing to what was to fol- 
low. In the late fall of that year Emil 
Gluck made a clean sweep of the Atlantic 

seaboard from Maine to Florida. Noth- 
ing escaped. Forts, mines, coast de- 
fences of all sorts, torpedo stations, mag- 
azines — everything went up. Three 
months afterward, in mid-winter, he 
smote the north shore of the Mediter- 
ranean from Gibraltar to Greece in the 
same stupefying manner. A wail went 
up from the nations. It was clear that 
human agency was behind all this de- 
struction, and it was equally clear, what 
of Emil Gluck's impartiality, that the de- 
struction was not the work of any par- 
ticular nation. One thing was patent, 
namely, that whoever was the human 
behind it all, that human was a menace 
to the world. No nation was safe. There 
was no defence against this unknown and 
all-powerful foe. Warfare was futile — 
nay, not merely futile but itself the very 
essence of the peril. For a twelve-month 
the manufacture of powder ceased, and 
all soldiers and sailors were withdrawn 
from all fortifications and war vessels. 
And even a world disarmament was seri- 
ously considered at the Convention of 
the Powers, held at The Hague at that 

And then Silas Bannerman, a secret 
service agent of the United States, leaped 
into world-fame by arresting Emil Gluck. 
At first Bannerman was laughed at, but 
he had prepared his case well, and in a 
few weeks the most skeptical were con- 
vinced of Emil Gluck's guilt. The one 
thing, however, that Silas Bannerman 
never succeeded in explaining, even to 
his own satisfaction, was how first he 
came to connect Gluck with the atrocious 
crimes. It is true, Bannerman was in 
Vallejo, on secret government business, 
at the time of the destruction of Mare 
Island; and it is true that on the streets 
of Vallejo Emil Gluck was pointed out 
to him as a queer crank; but no impres- 
sion was made at the time. It was not 
until afterward, when on a vacation in the 
Rocky Mountains and when reading the 
first published reports of the destruction 
along the Atlantic Coast, that suddenly 
Bannerman thought of Emil Gluck. And 
on the instant there flashed into his mind 
the connection between Gluck and the 
destruction. It was only an hypothesis, 
but it was sufficient. The great thing 
was the conception of the hypothesis, in 
itself an act of unconscious cerebration — 

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a thing as unaccountable as the flashing, 
for instance, into Newton's mind of the 
principle of gravitation. 

The rest was easy. Where was 
Gluck at the time of the destruction along 
the Atlantic seaboard? was the question 
that formed in Bannerman's mind. By 
his own request he was put upon the case. 
In no time he ascertained that Gluck had 
himself been up and down the Atlantic 
Coast in the late fall of 1940. Also he 
ascertained that Gluck had been in New 
York City during the epidemic of the 
shooting of police officers. Where was 
Gluck now? — was Bannerman's next 
query. And, as if in answer, came the 
wholesale destruction along the Mediter- 
ranean. Gluck had sailed for Europe a 
month before — Bannerman knew that. It 
was not necessary for Bannerman to go 
to Europe. By means of cable messages 
and the co-operation of the European 
secret services, he traced Gluck's course 
along the Mediterranean and found that 
in every instance it coincided with the 
blowing up of coast defences and ships. 
Also, he learned that Gluck had just 
sailed on the Green Star liner Plutonic for 
the United States. 

The case was complete in Banner- 
man's mind, though in the interval of 
waiting he worked up the details. In this 
he was. ably assisted by George Brown, 
an operator employed by the Wood's 
System of Wireless Telegraphy. When 
the Plutonic arrived off Sandy Hook she 

was boarded by Bannerman from a Gov- 
ernment tug, and Emil Gluck made pris- 
oner. The trial &nd the confession fol- 
lowed. In the confession Gluck professed 
regret only for one thing, namely, that he 
had taken his time. As he said, had he 
dreamed that he was ever to be dis- 
covered he would have worked more 
rapidly and accomplished a thousand 
times the destruction he did. His secret 
died with him, though it is now known 
that the French Government managed to 
get access to him and offered him a bil- 
lion francs for his invention wherewith 
he was able to direct and closely to con- 
fine electric discharges. "What?" was 
Gluck's reply — "to sell to you that which 
would enable you to enslave and maltreat 
suffering humanity?" And though the 
war departments of the nations have con- 
tinued to experiment in their secret lab- 
oratories, they have so far failed to light 
upon the slightest trace of the secret. 
Emil Gluck was executed on December 4, 
1941, and so died, at the age of forty- 
six, one of the world's most unfortunate 
geniuses, a man of tremendous intellect, 
but whose mighty powers, instead of 
making toward good, were so twisted and 
warped that he became the most amazing 
of criminals. 

— Culled from Mr. A. G. Burnside's" Ec- 
centricities of Crime" by kind permis- 
sion of the publishers, Messrs. Holiday 
and Whitsund. 

Tke Japanese Manifesto 


SKATAYAMA writes that the pres- 
ent Japanese ministry, formed t>y 
# Premier Count Okuma, received 
the enthusiastic support of the 
entire people, because the Count had 
promised a free press, free speech and the 
right of assembly. 

Heretofore all political and union prop- 
aganda has been prohibited. Under the 
new ministry the Socialists formed a 
Japanese Labor Party and issued the fol- 
lowing Manifesto, which was promptly 
suppressed by Count Okuma, who had 

been so full of kind promises before the 
election of his own party. We think this 
document is one that can be read with 
profit by our own readers. 


"Mr. Workingman! You work all 
through the year and, in the sweat of 
your brow, produce everything in the 

"Mr. Workingman! You build houses 
and yet, do you not live in a filthy, 

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shabby, small, crumbling shed containing 
only one room about 9 by 12 feet, which 
affords only a bare protection frorn rain 
and dew? 

"You have spun, woven and made the 
clothes for all. And yet are you not al- 
ways wearing dirty and torn clothes 
which hardly cover your body ? 

"Mr. Workingman! You have pro- 
duced and prepared all the gctod food. 
And yet are you not yourself living on 
the coarsest and most distasteful food 
that barely gives you enough nourish- 

"Yes, you have made everything in the 
world. You have built all the railway 
carriages, steamers and automobiles that 
are the very pride of the human civiliza- 
tion today, and yet you have never ridden 
in them comfortably yourself. 

"You have made everything in the 
world and provided for all. And yet have 
you a house, even 9 by 12 feet, that you 
could call your own? There are in this 
country the so-called nobility and the 
rich who eat and drink freely and enjoy 
themselves luxuriously all through life, 
and still their wealth ever increases. 

"Why is this, anyway? In a well or- 
ganized society, one who gets his living 
at somebody's house gratis is called 
'Isoro/ a dependent. Such a person, a 
good-for-nothing parasite, is looked down 
on as a low and mean wight. And yet 
those nobles and millionaires, doing no 
work, but playing and enjoying them- 
selves in their easy and sumptuous life, 
continue to get ever more money and 
wealth. Call you not the lower class 
mean people and coolies, and put on your 
own head all the disrespectable titles and 
epithets; you who are diligently toiling 
and laboring and making every good 
thing in the world? 

"You ought to think the matter over 
well and seriously for yourself, somewhat 
in the following manner: Why am I, the 
master of this world, the head of the in- 
dustry and the very pillar of society, com- 
pelled to lead such a life? 

"Mr. Workingman! Do you never in 
your miserable life think of it? Haye you 
never thought of your present fate as a 

sad one that is even lower than that of 
some animals? 

"Have you never thought of getting rid 
of such an awful life as soon as possible? 
And do you not wish to live a life that 
is worthy of a man, the last and the 
greatest of all creations, an image of 

"Mr. Workingman! If you think of 
the matter as we do, then you ought to 
organize with other workers; the sooner 
the better for you and for all, and thus 
you should get rid of those who live by 
exploiting you. You might think thus: 
'We, who have nothing but a waistcoat, 
could do nothing, even if we should have 
organized ourselves.' But, my friends, 
think of it! Once you, who have nothing 
but a single waistcoat, should mutually 
shake hands with your comrades and 
quietly quit your work together. The 
gas and electricity that turns night into 
day shall not give them light and the city 
will become dark. If you should not 
work! Think! Would not the train, 
electric car and automobile stand still? 
Surely there will be no rice, potatoes, fish, 
wood or coal brought into the city. Then, 
though they be haughty and arrogant, 
how much would they think themselves 
above the working class? Yet shall they 
not after all starve, freeze and die of hun- 
ger and cold ? 

"Mr. Workingman! If you realize 
yourself the very power and influence you 
could command, you must organize your- 
selves into a union with your fellow 
workers. And then, and only then, you 
shall get rid of your present miserable 
life, perhaps worse than that of a horse 
or dog, and then there may come a time 
when you can call your fellow workers 
truly my 'Comrades' in the most beauti- 
ful society. 

"Ah ! Mr. Workingman. The fact that 
you organize or not shall decide the very 
destiny of the world in either way — 
prosperity and happiness, or decadence 
and misery ! 

"Unite the Workers of the Whole Nation ! 
Unite the Workers of the Whole 
World ! !" 

Digitized by 




WHAT has "y° ur " country ever done 
for you, Mr. Workingman? Has it 
been a real fatherland to you? Has it 
looked after your welfare? Has it given 
you the opportunity to have a warm home 
in the winter? Has it seen that you have 
clothing and food? Has it fed your chil- 
dren and assured them of sunshine and 
schooltime and playtime to fit them for the 
real work of life : 

Are you a German, Frenchman or Eng- 
lishman? Are you Russian, Austrian or 
Italian? Are you an American? It does 
not matter. This question applies to every 
workingman in the world. What has "your" 
country ever done for you ? 

Surely no one expects you to love a par- 
ticular geographical district upon the face 
of the earth just because you happened to 
be born on it, unless that district has done 
something for you. 

When you were a child, did your country 
throw protecting arms about you and feed 
and clothe and shelter you? Or did your 
working class father and mother have to 
struggle to give you a place to eat and 
sleep? Is there one spot in all "your" 
country where you^may rest and live and 
sleep in peace without the weekly or 
monthly dig-up to a landlord ? And if you 
have no money to pay rent and no work 
to earn money to pay rent, dots "your" 
country come to your assistance and give 
you work or does "your" country send 
around a sheriff or some other city official 
to set you out in the snow and another offi- 
cial to drive you from the city with a club, 
a gun and a "move on" ? 

When you are unable to secure a job and 
are driven across country by the police of 
"your" country or the gendarmes until you 
find yourself on "foreign" soil, you will 
find native workers of that "foreign" land 
in the same predicament as your own. The 
Frenchman, the German, the Englishman 
are all driven from pillar to post, from city 
to city, because they have no jobs and no 

money to buy food and clothing and the 
right to live on the land of "their" country. 

Patriotism means the love of the land 
in which you were born — that and nothing 
more. And why should you love that land 
any more than any other? 

Mr. Workingman, what has your native 
land done for you that you should fight for 
her flag, her glory or her power? No mat- 
ter how large or powerful she may become, 
no matter how rich her resources and her 
natural wealth, you will share in none of 
these things unless you can find a boss to 
pay you money to spend. If you are rich, 
"your" country will open her arms to you 
and spread out her army, her laws, her 
police to protect your riches. If you are 
penniless, she will just as readily drive you 
from her farthermost provinces or send 
you to her vilest prisons. 

"Your" country has protection only for 
the powerful, the rich, the idle ; she has no 
care for those who are hungry, cold and 
sick. The flag of "your" nation is borne 
by the troops sent into districts where the 
hosts of poverty congregate, to drive them 
from the sight of the wealthy. 

"Your" country has no place for you 
after you have built the railroads, harvested 
the crops, produced food and clothing for 
more than your own numbers. For when 
your work is done your pay ceases. All 
that you have made, all that you have pro- 
duced, has been kept by your employers 
and you are turned out upon the mercies of 
"your" country in your old age, penniless 
and homeless, to starve. 

Workingmen of the world, the land of 
your birth has done nothing for you. Con- 
ditions in Germany, France, Austria, Eng- 
land, Russia and America are practically 
the same. Everywhere you will find the 
workers earning barely enough to live on. 
Everywhere you will find thousands of men 
hunting jobs and no jobs. Everywhere you 
will find the rich protected and the poor 
driven out. 


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You have no country! Every national 
flag in the world today means protection 
for the employing class, who appropriate 
the things produced by the workers. It 
has no message, for those who toil. 

There is only one flag worth fighting for 
and that is the red flag, which means uni- 
versal brotherhood of the workers of the 
world in their fight to abolish the profit 

The real fatherland will cherish every 
one of its children. It will see that all 

have equality of opportunity and a chance 
to produce and procure all the good things 
of life. The real fatherland means a child- 
hood free from work and worry for us 
all ; useful work for every able-bodied man 
and woman; it means his product for the 
worker without profit to any boss ; it means 
leisure and a regular old age income in the 
winter of life ! 

This is the real fatherland and this is 
Socialism ! 

Mary E. Marcy. 



This War— What For? As these notes 
are written (August 3) Germany has 
declared war on Russia and hurriedly 
pushed troops over the French border. 
Apparently nothing can prevent the great- 
est war in fifty years. Thousands of young 
workingmen will be killed and wounded. 
Production will stop. Cities will be 
destroyed. But, worst of all will be the 
barbarization of people's minds and 
hearts. The thing has been talked of for 
years. Now it is here. 

Never was a war more selfish or sense- 
less. Servia fought her way free from 
Turkey in 1878. Now she wants to stay 
free. She needs freedom. Her lands are 
rich. Her people are industrious. Her 
young capitalists are beginning to de- 
velop industries. But she is bottled up. 
She has no port. Her exports must be 
sent by rail through Austria. Austria 
wants more territory, more power and 
larger populations to exploit. So Aus- 
tria has determined to crush the life out 
of Servia. This is the beginning of it all. 
When Franz Joseph and William II. call 
on their soldiers to be true to God and 
lick the enemy it is so that Servian cap- 
italists may be kept down and the Ger- 
man capitalists of Austria may have their 
way in the Balkan peninsula. 

The immediate excuse for starting 
things was furnished by the assassination 
of Archduke Franz Ferdinand on June 
28. He was shot by a young Servian. 
Another young Servian threw a bomb at 
him. These young fellows, only nineteen 
or twenty years old, were captured. One 
of them confessed to having formed his 

plan in company with four others in Bel- 
grade, the capital of Servia. How this 
can be made an excuse for war is rather 
a long story. 

There are about 5,000,000 Serbs in 
Servia. There are nearly twice as many 
in Montenegro, Albania and various 
provinces of Austria. These latter nat- 
urally envy their brothers in Servia under 
their own government — Austria has grown 
more and more tyrannous. According 
to the treaty of Berlin formed in 1879 
Bosnia and Herzegovina were to remain 
independent. First Austria declared a 
protectorate and finally, in 1908, she an- 
nexed these provinces. The million inhab- 
itants of these provinces, and others in 
various parts of the empire, have been 
subjected to every indignity. They have 
been deprived of citizenship. They have 
been subject to constant espionage and 
prosecution. Since the Balkan war of 
1912 Austria has not felt the need of 
independent Slavic states to serve as 
buffers against Turkey. So her atrocities 
have increased. She has, apparently, 
aimed at inciting an uprising. Under the 
circumstances the Serbs have naturally 
banded themselves together to work for 
better conditions. Their organization is 
called the Pan-Slavic League. 

Now, though both of the young cap- 
tives concerned in the death of the Arch- 
duke are natives of Austria, the imperial 
government makes this event the occa- 
sion for crushing out the Pan-Slavic 
movement. On July 23d a demand was 
made that tie Servian government sup- 
press all societies under its jurisdiction 

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which have fomented rebellion against 
Austra, and that it disavow all connec- 
tion with the murder of Archduke Franz 
Ferdinand. Of course no government 
would promise to do either one of these 
things without being forced to do so. 
When Austria made these demands she 
was deliberately making war inevitable. 

The government of Austria is a Ger- 
man power. Extending its influence 
toward the jEgean Sea means giving a 
field to German capitalists. It means that 
much less of rich territory for Slavic cap- 
italists. It means, especially, a south- 
western boundary set for Russia. So 
Russia began to mobilize her troops. Aus- 
tria's declaration of war against Servia 
came on July 28th. On the same day 
Russia began to move troops toward the 
frontier. On the 31st the German gov- 
ernment called on Russia to cease opera- 
tions. On August 2d, without a declara- 
tion of war, German troops entered 
France. At the same time the Russians 
entered Germany. 

Of course Socialists are not interested 
in the etiquette of war. It makes little 
difference whether the killing begins 

politely or not. The only thing of impor- 
tance is that the big fight has begun. 
Italy has declared her neutrality. Eng- 
land may do the same. But Europe is in 
for a first-class butchery. Thousands will 
die because German capitalists are deter- 
mined to extend their power to the south- 
east and crush the Slavs who stand in 
their way. 

Socialists and War. The International 
Socialist Congress was to be held at 
Vienna on August 23d. At first the date 
was changed to August 8th, and the place 
to Paris. Then came news that it had 
been postponed indefinitely. 

To the present writer this seems a great 
mistake. To be sure, it would be impos- 
sible to hold a congress in a country 
actually engaged in war. But there are 
several neutral nations which would have 
welcomed the congress. And surely now 
when the powers of capitalism are most 
bloodthirsty is the time when the work- 
ing class needs leadership. It may be 
that the International Bureau will call a 
peace conference representative of the 
nations whose governments have gone to 
war. Perhaps such a body can act more 

"In her efforts to serve God and Mammon, the Church has become cross-eyed." 

— The Call of The Carpenter. 


is now in a cell oh Blackwell's Island, New York. 

He committed the "crime," after the terrible Ludlow Massacre, of attending the 
Rockefeller church and asking a question. 

His publishers have consented to issue a 


"The Call of The Carpenter" 

of 10,000 copies (paper cover) 

This is the only opportunity to secure this book at less than the publisher's price of $1.25 a copy. 
This edition will be sold (or the purpose of aiding in the support of 


of which Bouck White is founder and leader. 

Price per copy 
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powerfully at this time than an Interna- 
tional Congress. 

But after all the resolving and speech- 
making, this is the time to act. News 
comes from London that Keir Hardie 
addressed a great crowd in Trafalgar 
Square and advocated calling a general 
strike if England enters the conflict. We 
hope for equally energetic words and 
deeds on the part of our German and 
French comrades. 

Meantime, let us ask it mildly, what 
has become of the three saintly peace 
conferences which were to be held in 
Europe in August? 

Industrial Unionism in Germany. The 
German labor movement is moving. It 
goes slowly but steadily in the direction 
of industrial organization. Since January 
1st there have been at least a score of 
articles in Die Neue Zeit dealing with the 
form of organization. Just before the tri- 
ennial labor congress met recently at 
Munich Xaver Kamrowski published in 
this official and orthodox journal a pow- 
erful argument for the industrial form. 

The reasons for this important devel- 
opment are both industrial and political. 
The tiny "Sydicalist" movement in Ger- 
many has had absolutely nothing to do 
with it. I cannot learn that it was even 
mentioned in the papers or on the floor 
of the congress. The political cause is 
the absolute stoppage of social reform in 
Germany. As was brought out at the 
congress, which was held near the end of 
June, Germany is no longer the leader in 
such matters as old-age pensions, accident 
insurance, control of housing conditions, 
etc. In fact, conditions as revealed in 
various detailed reports showed that 
many classes of workers' are in a most 
pitiable condition. .The German workers' 
faith in the good intentions of the gov- 
ernment have finally been shattered. And 
the labor unions have their backs against 
the wall in a fight for life. They have 
recently been classified as political organ- 
izations by legal decision. If this deci- 
sion stands they will be subjected to all 
the restrictions which apply to political 
bodies under the new police code. Since 
the repeal of the Anti-Socialist law in 
1890 they have enjoyed freedom. Now 
the government has taken the offensive 
against them. It is not merely a ques- 
tion of growing and developing new pow- 

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ers. To live at all they will have to fight. 

The economic cause is the growth of 
capitalist organizations. The great asso- 
ciations of employers are not limited by 
any form of governmental interference. 
They constantly take the initiative. The 
lock-out and the black-list are constantly 
employed. Their improved organizations 
must be met by one equally good. 

The question of organization came 
before the congress in the form of an 
appeal. The Transport Workers and the 
Brewery Workers had had a jurisdic- 
tional fight over the brewery wagon driv- 
ers. A board of arbitration turned the 
drivers over to the Brewery Workers. 
That is, their decision was flatly in favor 
of industrial organization. The Trans- 
port Workers appealed to the congress 
and asked for a reversal. The discussion 
was long, sometimes bitter, and always 
characteristically thorough. The argu- 
ments were, of course, the ones we are 
accustomed to in this country, though 
the discussion as a whole was much the 
best the present writer has ever read. 
There was more willingness to listen to 
the other fellow than is usually evident in 
this country under similar circumstances. 
The industrial forces were led by the rep- 
resentatives of the Factory Workers. 
They acknowledged that in 1892, when 
the first congress of the present organi- 
zation met at Halberstadt, the craft sys- 
tem was the natural one to adopt. They 
even acknowledged that in a few excep- 
tional trades it is still effective. But 
maintained, on the whole, that the day 
for it is past. In fact, nearly all the speak- 
ers agreed that craft unionism is passing 
and must pass. The only difference of 
opinion was in regard to what should be 
done in the case of individual unions. In 
general the feeling seemed to be that the 
development of things should not be 
forced, that in each industry the trades 
should be joined as rapidly as the unions 
become ready for it. The Germans are 
not going to begin their house at the 

In the end the decision of the board 
of arbitration was confirmed. The drivers 
are to belong to the Brewery Workers. 
So the victory is on the side of the "one 
big union." A court of appeals was then 
arranged to deal with similar problems 
in the future. 

In addition, the dues to be paid by the 

separate unions to the national organiza- 
tion were raised from 4 pfennigs to 5, and 
a large general commission was formed 
to act for the organization in times of 
crises. Both these actions mean that our 
German comrades feel that they must be 
ready to fight. 

Death of Jean Jaures. On July 31st 
Comrade Jean Jaures was shot to death 
by a "patriot." He had just attended a 
meeting of the International Socialist 
Bureau, which has issued a proclamation 
against the war, and had delivered a 
speech against militarism. The murderer 
said, when captured, "I did it because 
when M. Jaures fought the three years' 
military law he fought France." So 
Jaures was the first victim of the war 

Jaures was 55 years old. After gradu- 
ating from the Eicole Normale Superieur 
he became lecturer on philosophy at the 
University of Toulouse. His oratory 
made him popular and in 1885 he was 
elected to the Chamber of Deputies as a 
Radical. In 1889 he was defeated and 
returned to the university. There he pre- 
pared, as one of the dissertations neces- 
sary for the securing of a doctor's degree, 
a study of "The Origins of German Social- 
ism." Soon after this he turned Socialist 
and as such he was returned to the cham- 
ber in 1893. There, with Millerand and 
Viviani, he formed the Independent So- 
cialist Patty. When Millerand entered 
the cabinet of Waldeqk Rousseau he had 
the approval and support of Jaures. In 
1904 at the International Congress of 
Amsterdam, he was the chief defender of 
this proceeding. He was voted down and 
has since then loyally submitted to the 
decision of the party. The same may be 
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F. Olson. H. O. Price, I. F. Stewert, C. B. Lentz, C. F. DonichtJ. Z. Standley.A. B. Clark, 

The Idaho State Convention.— To the So- 
cialist Party of Idaho belongs the distinction 
of having adopted what is probably the short- 
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indignation among the delegates. Several 
•lengthy and heated discussions were launched, 
some of which were tinged with bitter sarcasm 
and personal remarks, but the clear under- 
standing of the class struggle prevalent among 
the majority of the delegates in the Idaho 
state convention remained unchanged. 

A. B. Clark of Latah County, with F. Olson 
of Twin Falls, C. B. Lentz of Bonner. C. F. 
VV. Donicht of Bannock and Herman Barber 

of Canyon counties, and others, fought elo- 
quently for the elimination of "Immediate De- 
mands" which, they held, mean only reform 
measures and are a detriment to the real funda- 
mentals of Socialism. They maintained that 
such planks in a Socialist platform are super- 
fluous and confusing to the minds of the work- 
ers, that should they be obtained, can bring 
only temporary relief to a specified few and 
no relief whatever to the working class as a 
whole, thus retarding rather than advancing 
the real issue. The old parties, they declared, 
will offer reform measures galore in a vain 
hope to pacify and thus retain their grasp upon 
the working class, and when these reforms 
have been tried and proven a failure let it 
not be said that the Socialist Party advocated 
them. They emphasized the fact that if the 
Socialist Party stands for anything it is for 
REVOLUTION and not reform, that while the 
old parties can adopt the same reform planks 
or "Immediate Demands" which the Socialist 
Party might incorporate, they can never touch 
the vital part of our philosophy. They held 
that the entire program of Socialism is an im- 
mediate demand for the permanent relief of 
the entire working class, and that we should 
stand firmly upon the rock foundation of this 
principle rather than upon the wavering prom- 
ises of reform. 
The platform as adopted is as follows: 
"We, the Socialist Party of the State of 


Digitized by 




Idaho, declare our allegiance to the interna- 
tional program of Socialism. 

"Labor alone produces all wealth. We pro- 
pose that laborers alone shall have all wealth. 

"No man has a natural and inherent right 
to exploit the labor of any other man, there- 
fore we demand that he shall not have a legal 
right to do so. 

"We demand the collective ownership of 
all things collectively used, the private owner- 
ship of things privately used — the abolition of 
interest, rent and profit. 

"We demand the initiative, referendum and 
recall of all public officials. 

"Our candidates when elected shall always 
and everywhere, until the present capitalistic 
system of industry is abolished, make this 
question their guiding rule of conduct: 'Will 
this legislation or action advance the inter- 
ests of the WORKING CLASS and aid the 
If it will the elected Socialist is strenuously 
for it; if it will not he is, and shall be, abso- 
lutely opposed to it." — Elda B. Conly, Secre- 
tary of Convention. 

Bouck White Still in Jail.— Nation-wide 
protest is now being organized against the 
continued imprisonment of Bouck White of 
New York, and has taken the form of a de- 
mand upon Governor Glynn of New York 
for the release of the prisoner. Bouck White's 
case is unique. After the Ludlow massacre 
he invited the Rev. Mr. Woelfkin, pastor of 
the Rockefeller church of New York to pub- 
licly debate the question, "Did Jesus teach 
the immorality of being rich?" He notified 
Mr. Woelfkin by mail that he would put that 
question at the Sunday morning services on 
May 10. When he arose to do so he was 
quickly seized and pinned down by six "plain 
clothes men" and detectives, who, as church 
ushers, were present to defend the sanctity 
of the brand of religion taught by Messrs. 
Rockefeller and Woelfkin. His trial was a 
farce. The Appellate Court adjourned for 
the season Without taking action upon his 
case. Meanwhile Comrade Bouck White is 
spending his summer days at the public re- 
sort on Blackwell's Island. Here is one more 
case that emphasizes the absolute necessity 
of organizing the defense of revolutionists 
who are accused of crimes they never com- 
mitted, or r as in the case of Bouck White, 
thrown into jail without even being accused 
of a crime. — From Sol Fieldman, 42 South Wash- 
ington Sq., New York, N. Y. 

From Connecticut — Comrade Richard Mad- 
ler of Hartford writes: "I am glad to send a 
dollar for ten new readers to the best Socialist 
magazine on earth." 

From California. — "Among all the Socialist 
books and papers I think the Review takes the 
lead, especially in arousing the workers to a 
sense of solidarity. The heart stirring articles 
from the workers in other lands each month 
make a reader feel that he is shaking hands 
with the comrades on the other side." — Kate 
L. Nevine, Antioch. 

List of Hustlers Sending in Ten or More 

Subs.— Six hundred and seventy-five subs in 

twenty days. Review rebels are always on the 

job! The Anti-War Labor Day number of the 

FIGHTING MAGAZINE will be loaded to the 

muzze. We are going to ask every Review reader 

to get busy during Red Week, which starts 
on Labor Day, Sept. 7, and round up ten new 
readers on our SPECIAL OFFER of the 
Review three months to new readers for ten 

cents. We want to reach the 100,000 mark. 
Are you with us? 

McMillen, Huntington, 20 

Berg, Portland, 10 

Snell. Red Deer, 10 

Snider, Indianapolis, 11 

Fread, Ceres, 10 

Rodger, Rector, 10 

Renshaw, Hennessey. 10 

Hoffman Jacksonville, 10 

Ferguson, Minature, 15 

Dunne. Phillipsburg, 12 

Spain. Jonesboro, 20 

Lloyd, Bloomingburg. 10 

Landfried, Challis, 12 

Banerle. Homer, 10 

Williamson. Forest, 12 

Sutton, Tacoma, 38 

Howerton. Paris, 10 

Pfisterer. Dunkirk. 40 

Burt. Plummer. 10 

Vinopal, Lake worth. 14 

Dates. Scotia, 10 

Hill, Elmira, 10 

Bezpalec. Ruso, 10 

Olmsted. York. 10 

Berge, Alsen, 10 

Beach. Glencoe, 10 

Ruppelt, Sheboygan, 10 

Osa. Blaine. 14 

Mundy. Spokane, 16 

Trimble. Vinson, 10 

Crone. Canton, 10 

Heuron, Anadarko, 14 

Simison. Hawley, 10 

Anderson, Hillview, 10 

Athv. Kokomo, 10 

Applegate, Vincennes, 10 

Morrison, Carlin, 10 

Fredericson, Skidoo, 10 

Moody, Asheville, 10 

Madler, Hartford, 10 

Swope. Girard, 10 

Chavanne. Troy, 10 

Finchum, Martinsville. 10 

Teel. Stonewall. 10 

Burrowes. Freeport, 10 

Chenoweth, Shelbyville, 10 

Gustafson, Ladysmith. 10 

Shaw, Milburn, 10 

Bunker. Toronto. 10 

Turner, Deer Park, 10 

Cowan. Pear Valley, 10 

Halmen. Chisholm, 10 

Steele. Chillicothc, 10 

McCombs. Prue, 10 

Morgan, Florence, 10 

Rosengren, Marshalltown. 11 

Goodman, Eugene, 10 

Total 675 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 



Good News from Montana. — The Review 
readers will read with interest the following 
strike news from Deer Lodge, Montana: "We 
are now in the sixth week of our strike against 
the Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul Railway 
Company, which is trying to electrify its road 
between Deer Lodge and Avery, Idaho. 

"We have 175 miles of the line completely 
tied up. The men on strike are showing great 
solidarity, considering the summer weather, 
and the slave's dream of making his winter's 
stake during the summer months. 

"We must certainly hand it to this bunch 
of rebels, as there has been no desertion from 
our ranks and the greatest harmony prevails 
throughout the camp. We have a constant 
stream of pickets traveling between the camps 
and it is a sight worth seeing when the whole 
bunch are called out when scabs are shipped in. 

"The company is chasing up and down the 
line trying to unload their car of Poles. 
Everyone seems to be happy but the boss. 
We are sure playing this game to win. 

"The Butte Working Men's Union as well 
as the Butte and Anaconda Electrical Workers' 
Unions are coming through with $100.00 per 
week to feed the men who are fighting like 
hell to uphold the Union's principles and gain 
better conditions." — Publicity Committee, Pat 
Brennen and James Doyle. 

Canada Vote. — The increase in the Socialist 
vote in Ontario is splendid, considering all 
the circumstances. In the elections held June 
29, 1914, the Socialist vote is 5,185. In the 
elections held December 5, 1911, the Socialist 
vote was 3,304. The gain in votes was 1,881 
or over 56 per cent. 

The old parties, to draw a red herring 
across the trail of the class struggle, intro- 
duced the moral issue. Abolish the bar was 
the slogan of the Liberals. The churches were 
used as political weapons. Religion, morality, 
the good man stunt, were worked for all they 
were worth, and still the vote increased tre- 
mendously. Socialism was more talked about 
than at any previous time, and Marxian eco- 
nomics was the basis of the Socialist fight. 

From Minneapolis. — "We sold 200 copies of 
the August issue in three days. Send us 100 
more.— Peter Johnsen, No. 64 I. W. W." 

Control of Child Bearing. — "I have just 
been reading an article by Caroline Nelson, 
which appeared in the March issue of the 
International Socialist Review. As we are 
all in need of more of this old world's goods 
to live on and have more babies to feed, clothe 
and educate than we are able to care for, this 
article appeals to me very much. I know her 
theory is a good one and we need it here in 
America just as much as any other country. 
We have thousands of helpless children, who 
are starving and freezing, going through life 
without the education they are so much in 
need of. Oh, if I could only know of the 
secret this woman speaks of, I would put in 
the remainder of my time on earth spreading: 
the light to mothers. A poor mother's life is 
one of dread and misery. It is mother love 
that loves all her children, let them be few 
or many, but it breaks mothers' hearts and 

blasts' the lives of mother and children when 
more come than can be properly cared for. 
She says, " Think before you bring life into 
the world* is the Neo-Malthusian motto. And 
thinking people do not ruin themselves in de- 
bauchery, of with poisonous drugs, or use 
any doubtful methods. But in this case, as in 
all other cases, a small minority will have to 
dig and toil to bring the right information to 
the majority." I am one of many other sister 
comrades who wants to know this new 
method. — An Anxious Mother. 

Anti-War Resolutions. — The following reso- 
lutions were adopted by the Socialists of 
Duluth, Minn., U. S. A., at the meeting of the 
City Central Committee on July 29, 1914: 

A> war has been declared by the govern- 
ment of Austria against the government of 

The governments of Russia, Germany, 
France, England, Italy, Greece, Bulgaria, Rou- 
mania, Turkey and other governments are apt 
to be drawn into the conflict for the reason 
that the economic interests of the ruling 
classes of these various governments are in 
conflict some with the others. 

These various ruling classes, failing in other 
methods of adjusting their economic quarrels, 
declare war, and set myriads of workers who 
have no quarrels with each other at each 
other's throats. 

War, since the discovery of gunpowder, has 
always been fought by the working class. 

Was is promoted by the dominant ruling 
class of all countries by means of teaching 
patriotism and religion to the children of the 
working class in the schools, churches and 
newspapers, all controlled by the same domi- 
nant ruling class, in all countries. 

We condemn as hypocritical and evasive the 
position of the Emperor of Austria in attempt- 
ing to justify his brutal and inhuman action 
in declaring war on the ground that such war 
was "decreed by Providence." 

The implements of modern war, the sale of 
which is fostered by the profit-mongering 
capitalist class, have reached such a stage of 
efficiency that in a vast European war whole 
armies (all of the working class) will be anni- 
hilated as if by the pressure of an electric 

Since the capitalist class of Europe, in the 
madness of its dying day, has inaugurated this 
cataclysm of blood, we urge our Socialist 
comrades of Europe to turn their murderous 
instruments of death upon the rotting, fester- 
ing nests of pious "rulers," both monarchical 
and capitalistic, and rid the earth forever of 
these monsters, instead of bathing each other 
in the blood of the working class. 

If this is the psychological moment to strike 
the blow for freedom of the working class 
in Europe, we American Socialists hope our 
comrades will not let the opportunity pass. 

The historic mission of Socialism is the 
destruction of the wage system of society by 
peaceable means, if possible, and the inaugu- 
ration of the co-operative industrial common- 

In its propaganda the attitude of the Inter- 

Digitized by 




national Socialism has been against war. We 
detest war so bitterly that we are ready to go 
to war to end war. 


Socialist Local Brainerd — The following 
resolutions were unanimously adopted and ap- 
proved by the citizens of Brainerd, in a mass 
meeting held on Saturday, August 1st, by the 
Women's Committee of Socialist Local Brai- 
nerd and by Socialist Local Brainerd: 
To His Excellency, Honorable T, Woodrow 
Wilson, President of the United States, 
Washington, D. C. 

You are credited in newspaper dispatches 
with appealing to the patriotism of the rail- 
road workers and employes of the western 
railways to avoid a strike in the face of a 
European war, and the consequential paralysis 
of crop moving. 

The moving of crops m America to supply 
the armies of Europe, which have been hurled 
at each other's throats by the madness of top- 
pling capitalism is the very means of pro- 
longing the wholesale slaughter of the work- 
ing class. . 

It will benefit only a small group of human 
vultures in America and Europe, who are 
pleased to call themselves "respectable" busi- 
ness men and "patriotic" citizens. We, the 
socialists of Brainerd, Minnesota, protest 
against any encouragement of this plan of 
capitalism, which operates solely for profits. 
We stand ready to enforce our protest by sup- 
porting the railroad men in refusing to haul 
train loads of whe,at to the seaboard, thus 
bringing to a speedy end the carnival of blood- 
letting and misery in Europe, the burden and 
expense of which must fall upon the working 
class of the world. We feel that your con- 
templated action in encouraging wheat ship- 
ments will prolong the war, the benefit of 
which will accrue only to a small group of 
money-mad maniacs whose holy ikon is the 
dollar mark. The exportation of wheat will 
create famine and famine prices in America. 
We protest against this brand of "patriotism" 
and demand that you use your power to de- 
clare an embargo upon the shipment of grain 
and other foodstuffs to Europe during this 
war, thus quickly ending the war. We ask 
this in the name of the working class. 


Until yon hare done this you cannot work for It 
Intelligently. Read these books in the order 
named, and yon will do clearer thinking and 
more effective talking. 

"Revolution."— Jack London. 

"Introduction to Socialism."— AT. A. Richardson. 

"Shop Talks on Economics."— Mary E. Marcy. 

"The Class Struggle/'-Zfar/ Kautaky. 

"Socialism, Utopian and Scientific. "—Engels. 

"The Communist Manifesto. "—Marx and Engels. 

"Value. Price and Profit. "—Karl Marx. 

"Industrial Unionism."— Eugene V. Dtba. 

"Industrial Socialism."— Haywood and Bohn 

"The New Socialism."— Robert Rivet La Monte. 

For ONE DOLLAR we will mail you these te n 

books containing 870 pages, and will also send 

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and Review and begin studying Socialism. Address 

CHARUS H. Rum • CO- 1 18 W. Kkizit SL,Chk 

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Not Troops but Protection. — Mr. Charles 
Moyer, the president of the Western Federa- 
tion of Miners, has denied that he asked Gov- 
ernor Stewart for troops. He asserts that he 
merely asked the governor for protection. 
The organ of the W. F. of M. protests that 
Mr. Moyer demanded not troops but protec- 
tion. The convention of the W. F. of M., 
after an ex-parte hearing of the Butte troubles, 
has endorsed Mr. Mover's statement that not 
troops but protection is what the valiant 
president of their organization demanded of 
the governor of Montana. And it has been 
given out through the Associated Press that 
every person present at the interview between 
Mr. Moyer and Governor Stewart has stated 
that it was not troops but protction that the 
president of the W. F. of M. demanded of 
the governor. 

All these statements are supposed to settle 
the question and to put an end to the state- 
ment in this paper that Mr. Moyer asked the 
governor for troops. This is a very neat but 
scarcely a convincing evasion. 

Suppose it was protection and not troops 
that Mr. Moyer demanded of the governor, 
what was the nature of the protection he 
expected at the hands of the chief executive 
of this commonwealth? 

Did Mr. Moyer expect the governor to 
accompany him back to Butte and act as 
his body-guard? Did he, perchance, expect 
the governor to organize the clerks and sten- 
ographers employed at the capitol into a body- , 
guard for the president of the W. F. of M.? 
Did he expect the governor, perchance, to 
deputize some ladies' aid society to protect 
Mr. Moyer from the impolite Butteites who 
flung orange peelings and bad language at 
him when he was inside the Miners' Union 

What sort of protection would the president 
of the W. F. of M. demand, after the gunmen 
at his meeting in Butte on the night of June 
23rd had opened fire on a street crowd of 
men, women and children that had not even 
flung a stone through the windows? What 
sort of protection can or does a governor of 
a state give, if he gives any, under such con- 
ditions as prevailed at the time Mr. Moyer 
made his demand? 

Surely not merely moral support. We can 
scarcely believe that Mr. Moyer demanded 
anything less than police protection. And the 
only police at the command of the governor 
are the state militia. 

The fact is that all this evasion by substi- 
tuting the word "protection" for the word 
"troops" is an afterthought. It was suggested 
to Mr. Moyer by a prominent member of 
organized labor in Montana at the time that 
distinguished W. F. of M. official made his 
demand on the governor. 

Said this Montana member to Mr. Moyer: 
"It should be understood, Mr. Moyer, that you 
do not ask the governor for troops but for 
protection." In this Mr. Moyer acquiesced. 
But he had already made his demand. The 
"protection" was an afterthought. 

A Montana labor leader, mindful of the 
fight organized labor had made against the in- 
famous Donahue militia bill, would naturally 
balk at asking for troops. Mr. Moyer did not 
balk, but he took the hint and has made use 
of the subterfuge. This is how he asked not 
for "troops" but for "protection." — Montana 

Charged with Murder. — We are in receipt of 
a letter from J. G. Gavel, Secretary of I. W. 
W. Local No. 339, Edmonton, Alta., Canada, 
in which he says: "Last winter a member of 
the Edmonton Local, I. W. W., named Frank 
Hiram Johnson took up a homestead in the 
vicinity of Lac La Biche, some hundred miles 
or more northeast of here. In May and June 
he wrote several letters to James Rowan 
(then secretary of this local) saying that he 
was in a hostile community and from his let- 
ters it would seem that his life was in danger. 
Rowan with another member of the local, W. 
E. Barrett, left for Lac La Biche and reached 
Johnson's shack late Sunday night, July 5th, 
when they found Johnson dead. It was 
plainly evident that he had been murdered. 

Although there was no incriminating evi- 
dence at the inquest, the jury recommended 
that Rowan and Barrett be held when they 
reported the crime. Subsequently they were 
charged with murder, to be tried at the next 
sessions of the Supreme Court. It is an old 
trick of the master class to victimize active 
members of the revolutionary movement 
Rowan was a good active member of this local 
for a year or more. Barrett's life is also in 
danger. Rally to their aid. Swarm into Ed- 
monton when Rowan and Barrett go to trial 
on this trumped up charge and show the mas- 
ter class that they have an enemy to reckon 
with. If you have funds, send them to J. G. 
Gavel, 47 Frazer avenue, Edmonton, Alta., 

"A school teacher finds your publication un- 
fair, unreasonable and seditious — tending to 
stir unthinking people to revolt against law 
and order — in short, a menace to government." 
— Milo B. Price, Owatonna, Minn. 

A Job for You. — You can make good wages 
and make Socialists at the same time by pro- 
curing a picture machine outfit with picture 
lectures on some of the many red hot subjects 
as put out by Dr. E. E. Sonnanstine, of Girard, 
Kansas. Write him for particulars. 

Meadville, Pa.— "Enclosed find $1.00 for 
which please send me twenty copies of the 
March Review. It has always been my favorite 
among Socialist papers." — J. C. E. 

From a Live One. — Comrade Eynon of Kem- 
merer, Wyo., sends in an order for fifty Re- 
views a month for one year to go to Robt. 
McLean at Frontier, Wyo. If the workers in 
other parts of the country had one-half of the 
Revolutionary spirit of the workers of the 
West, it would take but a very few years to 
clean house with the capitalist class. 

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Name Address . 

Postofl&ce State. 





It is where you live. It is the residence of your mind. What do you know 
about it? 

From the day you were born to this very minute, you have been feathering up facts and storing 
them away in your mind. Your mind is the storehouse of your knowledge. All that you have ever 
seen, heard, and felt— all the experiences of your life have contributed to your mental equipment. 

This process has puzzled the philosophers of all a&es. For more than 2000 years the wisest 
of men have been baffled by the problem of how we came to have knowledge, and by what 
process we pass it on to others. 

The profundity of the problem and the mystery surrounding it, spurred countless theorists to 
their best efforts — and the results have been so many confusing and conflicting theories, that a wit 
was led to remark "Philosophy is the science of not getting anywhere." 

Just as the world had almost despaired of any man ever beinfc able to solve the riddle, a 
thinker appeared on the scene in Germany, that land that has contributed so much to world knowl- 
edge, and after ten years of labor he gave to the world two volumes in which he has answered this 
question of the Nature of Human Brain Work, in a manner that has never been successfully 

That man was Joseph Dietzgen, whom Marx called the Philosopher of the Socialist move- 
ment, and these two volumes are Some Philosophical Essays and The Positive Outcome of 
Philosophy, books that have deeply influenced the literature of our time, books that contain the 
last word on the subject 

No books ever written have proven such deadly foes to the conservative intellect Had the 
ruler of Germany, in Dietz&en's time, been alert as to the significance of these two volumes, he would 
have burned them and destroyed the plates, as a measure of protection to religious, political and 
governmental institutions of the day. 

Dietzgen is the spokesman of Change, of Movement, of Life, of the New. His appeal is 
for new knowledge, new ideas, new customs, new society, a new age. He tells us how by die use 
of knowledge, to make all things new, and points out whither knowledge is leading' the world. 

Joseph Dietzgen, by his work, undermined tradition, and buried the decaying institutions of 
the past beneath the accumulated knowledge of the day. Following are indicated a few of the sub- 
\ jects contained in 

\ The Positive Outcome of Philosophy * Philosophical Essays. 

\ Pure Reason, Scientific Socialism, 

/fm ^ \ Nature of Things, The Religion of Social-Democracy, 

U I \ Reason in Physical Science, Ethics of Social-Democracy, 

J^ I \ Cause and Effect, Social-Democratic Philosophy, 

•If ■ \ Matter and Mind, The Limits of Cognition, 

Worth Om Dollar. \ LoWc. D.rwfa.ndH^d. 

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Here's One Magazine 

You Want 

Charles Edward Russell 

" The reason why I advise all persons 
that believe in a free press to support 
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son's is the only great magazine that 
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Pearson's Magazine is the 
only magazine of its kind. 
Its form enables it to depend 
on its readers alone — on 
advertisers not at all. It 
can and does, therefore, 
print facts which no maga- 
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Pearson's is the only big 
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equal opportunity with others to present their case, not occasionally 

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The case for Socialism is presented by the leading Socialist writers 
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One copy will convince you that you want Pearson's. On the news- 
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Until the end of 1914 wc offer the International Socialist Review 
and Pearson's one year to anv address in the United States for 

Charles B. Kerr 6 Company, 118 W. Kinzie St, Chicago 

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JESUS-"One of Those 
Damned Agitators" 

In his "The Carpenter and the Rich Man" Bouck White proves to the satisfaction of all 
intelligent men and women that Jesus of Nazareth TAUGHT the very things the Churches and 
so-called Christians today CONDEMN in the name of Christ. 

Jesus approved of the acts of David and his hungry followers when they entered the 
temple and took the blessed shew bread from the sacred altars, to satisfy their want. 

In New York a Catholic Priest declared he would die rather than permit the Unemployed 
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Jesus said: "I was in prison and ye visited me not," for "inasmuch as ye did it not unto 
one of the LEAST of these my brethren, ye did it not to me." According to Mr. White in his 
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That Jesus loved ALL the poor and despised ALL the rich there seems to be no reason- 
able doubt after reading this book. Comrade White points out how when a rich man asked per- 
mission to follow Jesus and become one of his band of OUTLAWS, Jesus said to him: "Sell ALL 
you have and GIVE to the POOR and take up your cross and follow me." 

In thus referring to the cross, Mr. White shows how Jesus meant that his companions 
must be ready and willing to give up ALL things, to be prepared to DIE if necessary in their 
crusade for the poor. 

Jesus stood for the poor thief, the propertyless lawbreaker, the oppressed SABOT AGER, 
the HOMELESS and HUNGRY Church defiler (if we are to accept the definition of defilement 
as laid down by our Priestly parasites today). 

He was the BOLDEST of REBELLIOUS workingmen. All things could be forgiven 
ANY POOR man and the possession of riches in the midst of poverty irretrievably damned the 
owner, according to the Nazarene. 

The outcasts of the world were the beloved of Jesus. Prostitutes, thieves, beggars, work- 
ingmen, ex-convicts were all the friends of Jesus. For the banker, the great property-owner, the 
usurer, the RICH MAN, he held only the most deep-rooted hatred and scorn. 

Jesus demanded material communism among his comrades, and — above all — revolt against 

Comrade White proves how most of the books of the New Testament were written several 
hundred years after the death of Jesus and bear the imprint more of the aims and minds of the 
AUTHORS than they do of the FIGHTING CARPENTER. 

Read this book by Bouck White and prove to your friends and fellow- workers just what 
ACTUALLY -WERE the teachings of the Carpenter Revolutionist. 

The book alone sells for $1.20 net; $1.35 postpaid. But if you order within 30 days we will 
mail you the book and the International Socialist Review, one year, all for $1.50. Extra postage 
to Canada 20c; to other foreign countries 36c. Use the blank below. 

Charles H. Kerr & Company, 

118 West Kinzie Street, Chicago: 

I enclose $1.50 for which please mail a copy of "The Carpenter and the Rich Man," and 
enter my name for the International Socialist Review one year. 

Name Address 

Postoffice State 

Note: — If desired, the Review will be sent to another address or we will send a sub- 
scription card to be filled out later. 

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For the next two months only we 
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What You Hate Been Waiting fori 



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Anti-War Manifestos 
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Socialism and the War 
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How German Socialists Divided 
By William English Walling 

British and American Socialists 
on the War 

Summary and Criticism of Articles 

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The Ancient Lowly 

A History of the Ancient 
Working People from the 
Earlest Known Period to 
the Adoption of Christian- 
ity by Constantine 


Nearly all the ancient histories In the libraries 
are the histories of kings and their wars. The 
ancient historians despised the people who did 
useful work; their praise and their attention were 
reserved for the soldiers. The real story of the 
working people of Egypt and India, of Greece and 
of the Roman Empire was lost or burled out of 

It was the life work of C. Osborne Ward to dig 
up and reconstruct the true story of the working 
people of the ancient world. Not content with 
studying thousands of ancient volumes and manu- 
scripts, he journeyed hundreds of miles on foot 
around the shores of the Mediterranean Sea, de- 
ciphering and translating inscriptions telling 
parts of the forgotten story of the ancient work- 
ers. The results of his research are summed up 
in two large volumes over 1400 pages. 

Partial Contents of Volume I 

The "Taint of Labor," ancient slaves and wage- 
workers alike despised. 

Ancient religion and politics identical; the gods 
were the ancestors of the rulers. 

Right of the Patriarch to enslave, sell, torture 
and kill his children. 

Spartans used slaves as soldiers and murdered 
them at the end of the war. 

A strike of 20,000 miners that destroyed the em- 
pire of Athens. 

Crucifixion the penalty for strikers at Rome. 

Revolt of 200,000 slaves In Sicily. 

Revolt of Roman slaves led by Spartacus and 
* successful for years. 

Rome's organized working men and working 

History of Labor Unions at Rome preserved in 
ancient inscriptions. 

Objgin and History of turn Red Flag. 

Partial Contents of Volume II 

How the Roman State deceived and destroyed the 
labor unions. 

Strikes of the Hebrew and other slaves in ancient 

A vast system of secret trade unions throughout 
the ancient world. 

Brotherhoods of workers In India. 

Jewish and non-Jewish labor unions just before 
Christian era. 

Christianity first propagated almost entirely 
within the unions. 

Massacre of Christian wage-workers by the Em- 
peror Diocletian and capture of the church 
organization by the Roman state under Con- 

Two large volumes, $4.00 postpaid, or either 
volume mailed separately for $2.00. 

Charles H. Kerr & Company 


118 West Kinzie Street, Chicago 

Wellington, at the supreme moment, hurled 

this famous regiment of Scotch cavalry at the wavering 
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History ol the World 

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■^ 140 So. Dearborn St. , CHICAGO, ILL. 

[ **^>" PEAR SIR: — Please send rue FREE 

Booklet describing Ruipath's History of the 
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the theories, principles and 
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Vol. XV 




Edited by Charles H. Kerr 

No. 5 

Mary £. Marcy, Robert Rives La Monte, William £. Bohn. 
Leslie H. Marcy, Frank Bohn, William D. Haywood, Phillips Russell 

The Editor is responsible only for views expressed on the editorial page and in unsigned department 
- • Each contributor and associate editor is responsible for views expressed over his own signature. 


O F 


The Job War in Chicago Charles Ashleigh 262 


Tactics of the Unemployed. 
Fighting Weapons 

/. W. W 266 

Frank Bohn 269 

War News from Abroad . . 274 


Imperialism and the War Karl Kautsky. . . 

The War and the Japanese S\ Katayama 

Militarism and Socialism Harry Uswald , . 

Neo-Malthusianism in America Caroline Nelson. 

Fewer and Better Children James Morton. . . 

Cogs in the German State Machine Emil Beckmeyer. 

The Land, the Machine and the Worker .0. Lopes 

Editorial: The Russian Peril 


International Notes 

News and Views 

Published Monthly, $1.00 a year, Canada $1.20, other countries $1.50 
Bundle Bat*, 10 for 00 eta,; 20 for $1.00; 100 for 16.00 

CHARLES H. KERR & COMPANY, Publishers (Co-operative) 

118 W. Kinzie Street, Chicago, 111., U. S. A. 

2 Entered m% the Pottoffio* *t Chicago, III., M Second 01ms Matter July 27 . 1 W0, a nrier Act of March 8. 1171. 


Digitized by 






No. 5 


The Job War in Chicago 

HOISTING oneself by one's own 
boot-straps is supposed to be the 
acme of impossibility, but that 
seems to be precisely what the 
capitalist system is doing at present. In 
its efforts to continually enlarge and to 
intensify its operations it is undermining 
its own existence by creating the ele- 
ments which shall contribute to its down- 
fall. That inevitable adjunct to rampant 
capitalism — the army of the unemployed 
— is steadily on the increase, and, just 

now, with the partial cessation of industry 
caused by the European blood struggle 
for markets, the problem is becoming still 
more acute. 

It is interesting to mark how the at- 
tendant evils of the industrial system are 
extending all over the country. Last year, 
unemployed riots were not confined to 
the manufacturing East, but also broke 
out in San Francisco and other points on 
the Pacific coast. The boasted glory of 
the busy Middle West is sullied by the 


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appalling numbers of workless ones in its 
hub, Chicago. 

The Chicago Tribune, which is as con- 
servative a journal as could be found, 
some time ago estimated the number of 
unemployed in Chicago as over 100,000 
and intimated that they were increasing. 
According to trade union authorities, over 
60,000 union men are out of work. These 
figures, however, certainly fall far short 
of the total. The United Charities report 
that they assisted 21,000 families in 1913, 
as against only 10,000 in 1910, and they 
maintain that the number is steadily 
ascending. It should be remembered 
that only a very small proportion of cases 
are reported to the charitable institutions 
and that a still smaller number receive 

Every day cases are cited that prove 
the depths of poverty and suffering in 
which large numbers of workers and their 
families are plunged. In the sumptuous 
automobile of a member of Chicago's 
gilded minority was found a baby, thin 
and under-nourished, wrapped in a dirty 
gray rag, which was deposited in the 
vehicle while the owner was regaling him- 
self in a cafe. A man was recently sen- 
tenced to six months in the Bridewell for 
stealing food; he had been out of work 
for several weeks and dependent upon 
him were his wife and two babies, one of 
them only one month old. The home of 
these free citizens of prosperous America 
consisted of a one-room, windowless 
shack, with leaky roof, and sanitary con- 
veniences remarkable only by their ab- 
sence. The conscience of our "altruistic" 
civilization was satisfied by the railroad- 
ing of the unfortunate husband. Here 
the function of government ended and 
the succoring of the wife and children 
was left to individual charity, which in 
this case was attracted by the publicity 
the incident received. However, there is 
no complaint here implied ; what have the 
workers ever to hope for from the agents 
of their industrial task-masters? 

The principal question that agitates the 
mind of the unemployed, homeless work- 
er, — where to sleep, — is becoming more 
pressing with the advent of the cold 
weather. Police stations are already full 
to overflowing, as are also the night 
shelters. To complicate matters, orders 

were issued recently by the police depart- 
ment for the dispersal of night loiterers. 
The minions of the law sallied forth in 
force on October 6th and routed out scores 
of unfortunates who were trying to snatch 
some broken sleep in freight or lumber 
yards, vacant lots, empty buildings and 
wharves. A force of police, with drawn 
clubs, drove a number of men at bay on 
the river front, after awakening them by 
the customary brutal methods. One or 
two among them had sufficient manhood 
to resent this treatment and offered some 
resistance to their persecutors. The po- 
lice, revolvers and clubs in hand, attacked 
the defenseless band, rounded them up, 
and carried off some thirty to jail. The 
papers next day exploded with indigna- 
tion, stigmatizing the offenders as 
"wharf rats," while, on the next page, they 
were making fervent appeals to "Good 
Fellows" to come to the aid of this same 

The large emigrant population of Chi- 
cago are especial sufferers. The shutting 
down, — or partial stopping of production, 
— of great industrial concerns employing 
hosts of foreign unskilled laborers has 
brought untold misery into the Ghetto, 
Little Italy and other foreign quarters. A 
case that came to my notice on October 
5th is illustrative of this. Mrs. Annie 
Jarosz a Polish widow, was dependent 
upon work received from her more fort- 
unate neighbors for her sustenance and 
that of her baby and two-year-old child. 
When the general financial tightening 
came about no jobs were forthcoming. 
Within a few days the baby was dead of 
starvation and the widow and her re- 
maining child have been ejected for non- 
payment of rent. One might waste oceans 
of "sob-stuff" in describing these inci- 
dents, but we will leave that- to our well- 
paid lady journalists of the daily papers ; 
.we are not trying to stir the hearts of the 
affluent, but to induce the worker to at 
last determine to take the remedying of 
these conditions into his own hands. 

Besides the permanent industrial popu- 
lation of Chicago, casual workers are 
pouring daily into the town. Every 
freight train and passenger has its com- 
plement of jobless ones. These add to 
the number of job seekers and still fur- 
ther intensify the terribly keen competi- 

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tion on the labor market. In the crowded 
"Loop" district, thousands may be seen 
every noon awaiting the afternoon papers 
with their lists of offered jobs. When the 
newsboys appear they are virtually 
mobbed by the work-hungry crowds ; and 
then comes a feverish scanning of the ad- 
vertising sheets, and then a rush to be 
first applicant. One glance at the number 
of vacant positions in the paper and then 
at the size of the crowd will reveal the 
appalling difference in their respective, 

It is not always he of the tattered gar- 
ments who is the greatest sufferer. A 
large number of those most unfortunate 
members of the working class, — the 
white-collared company of clerks, — may 
be seen filling the park benches. These 
have the additional disadvantage of hav- 
ing to maintain some sort of a respectable 
appearance. I noted one of this type, the 
other morning, arising from his night's 
repose on a bench in a secluded arbor of 
Lincoln Park. A piece of newspaper was 
placed within his vest to protect his shirt- 

front and his collar and tie, carefully 
wrapped in paper, were beside him. He 
produced a small whisk broom from his 
pocket, and a comb, and made his pathetic 
toilet, not forgetting to polish his leaky 
shoes with the newspaper. He was not 
the type that dares to beg for a meal on 
the street and one could sense somehow 
that he had not the price of breakfast. 
I entered into conversation with him and 
discovered that he had worked in the 
auditing department of the Illinois Cen- 
tral Railroad. Two months ago he had 
been discharged on account of a cutting 
down of the staff and since then had found 
nothing but one or two odd jobs. I asked 
him whether he had been to the state free 
employment office. He said that he had 
and that once he had been dispatched to a 
residence to do odd jobs. On arrival 
there, he had been made to do some paint- 
ing and other work which falls within 
the province of skilled labor and for 
which the current union rate is 65 cents 
per hour. For this he was offered twenty 
cents an hour. He was rather an unusual 

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type of clerk because he refused to do the 
work; for which I honored this obscure 
hero of industrial warfare. 

On the "Flats," by the lake side, be- 
yond the railroad tracks, may be observed 
groups of men washing their shirts and 
underclothing, in the effort to appear re- 
spectable and to rid themselves of the 
vermin with which the cheap lodging 
houses are infested. The possessor of a 
razor is also an exceedingly popular per- 
son at these gatherings. Looking west- 
ward from here, one sees the magnificent 
buildings of the clubs and hotels which 
line Michigan avenue where are also dis- 
played the latest Paris costumes and the 
very cutest things from London in the 
line of walking canes and cravats. 

And the well-dressed and excellently 
fed ladies and gentlemen, stepping non- 
chalantly into or out of their automobiles, 
are very possibly going to attend a meet- 
ing tonight in which the poor will be ex- 
horted to recognize the benefits of thrift ; 
and, possibly, the merits of cheese as a 
substitute for meat will be enthusiasti- 
cally extolled, this being one of the latest 
fads of some of Chicago's wealthy reform- 

On West Madison street, the stamping 
ground for the itinerant worker, the em- 
ployment offices have all posted the sign 
"No Shipments" in their windows. The 
mission halls bear the announcement that 
lunches will be served free at the conclu- 
sion of the services and, most pregnant 
sign of all, the proprietors of the ten- and 
fiften-cent restaurants are complaining 
bitterly at the slackness of business. The 
streets are full of men tramping with 
that wearied, hopeless slouch typical of 
the discouraged and underfed seeker after 
work, although usually they do not make 
their appearance until later in the year. 
Everything points to the coming of the 
severest and most extensive unemployed 
spell that this country has ever experi- 

And, what to do? We know the prob- 
able happenings of the approaching win- 
ter, if things be not altered. Bread riots, 
unemployed processions, marches to city 
halls, meetings in parks and squares and 

all the accompanying phenomena of hard, 
workless winters, characterized by a want 
of organization and a waste of energy 
which it is painful to see. And the proud' 
aristocrat of labor, who happens to be 
holding on to a job, will not concern him- 
self with the homeless one on the bread- 
line or in the empty garrets of the Ghetto. 
But, when he is on strike, and some of 
these yield to the temptation of good food 
and a bed and take his place, then will he 
boil over with contemptuous anger. 

The working class organizations, sooner 
or later, will have to realize their identity 
of interest with the mass of unemployed. 
They will have to understand that it is 
essentially to their interest that there be 
as few men as possible looking for jobs. 
The revolutionary bodies should bestir 
themselves without delay to devise some 
method of not only showing the unem- 
ployed how to secure for themselves the 
necessities of life but also the advantages 
and* absolute imperativeness of the solid- 
arity of workers and workless. For the 
securing of food and shelter, petitions to 
governing bodies are worthless. The same 
amount of time, energy and sacrifice used 
in monster processions and meetings, with 
their consequent conflicts with the police, 
could be much better utilized in the tak- 
ing by the unemployed of the things which 
they require. Wm. D. Haywood's recom- 
mendations to this effect, at the recent 
convention of the Industrial Workers of 
the World, should be taken to heart by all 
those who do not wish to see the unem- 
ployed movement deteriorate into the 
means for the exhibition of flowery ora- 

It is up to the unemployed themselves 
to better their conditions; nobody else is 
going to do it for them. And it is most 
emphatically up to the man with a job, 
if only in self-defense, to aid them in 
every possible way to secure their ends. 
The unemployed are continually referred 
to sneeringly as "the mob." Well and 
good; then the mob cart and must be 
transformed into a coherent and conscious 
body, knowing well its economic position 
in society and the cause of it, and deter- 
mined to go after the goods and to get 
them by any and all means. 

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WHILE the newspapers and mag- 
azines are filled with shrieking 
headlines about the Great War 
in Europe and the sufferings of 
the armies there, the vast Army of Unem- 
ployed, a large portion of >which has been 
thrown out of work on account of the ces- 
sation of imports to Europe, are facing 
an equally important problem at our very 
doors. They are facing the problem that 
the survivors of the European war are 
going to face after the war is over. 

We have to remember that our friends 
in the Unemployed Army are in the same 
boat we may occupy next week or next 
month. They are the men and women 
who have produced the houses, the cloth- 
ing, the railroads, the food in America 
and who are "laid off" because the em- 
ploying class does not pay them enough 
in wages to enable them to BUY or USE 
the very things they have MADE. The 
employers say they have no "markets" 
and are closing down the shops and fac- 
tories because the shops and mills and 
factories are FILLED with the NECES- 
SITIES of LIFE which have been PRO- 
DUCED by the workers but which these 
workers have no money to BUY. 

And now come these "laid off" men and 
women demanding that these full gran- 
aries be opened to satisfy their needs; 
that the clothing and shoes on the 
shelves which they have made be brought 
forth to shield them from the cold. That 
the houses, which they have built, and 
which are now standing empty, be 
opened to protect them from the winds 
and snows of winter. 

What Shall the Unemployed Do? 

At the national convention of the I. W. 
W. held in Chicago this month, William 
D. Haywood presented the following 
practical program for the Unemployed 
which was adopted by the delegates: 

"Vigorous plans must be adopted to 
ward off the impending suffering (of the 
unemployed) during the coming winter. In- 
dustrial conditions indicate an approaching 
crisis unparalleled in this country. The 
workers here cannot escape the back- 
wash of all the horrors of the European 
war. Already the economic effects are 
being felt. The capitalists are curtailing 
production in many different branches. 
Thousands of men have been discharged 
in the textile, steel, transportation, min- 


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ing and lumber industries. These num- 
bers will soon be augmented by the har- 
vest and other migratory workers whose 
work for the season is over. 

"While the Army of the Unemployed is 
growing by legions, the Masters of 
Bread are preparing to ship to the mur- 
derous hordes of Europe the foodstuff 
that the workers have produced, and this 
with the connivance of the United States 
Government which has under way plans 
to subsidize ships for that purpose. No 
single thought is given to the peaceful, 
industrial Army of Production. Millions 
are appropriated for the militia, the army 
of destruction, and not a cent to provide 
work or care for the wealth producers. 

"It is up to the workers to meet with 
grim determination the situation that 
presents itself. Food, clothing, shelter, 
are essential to life. Let the message of 
the I. W. W. be GET THEM ! if you 
have to take pickaxes and crowbars and 
go to the granaries and warehouses and 
help yourselves. Rather than congre- 
gate around City Halls, Capitols and 
empty squares, go to the market places 
and waterfronts where food is abundant. 
If food is being shipped, confiscate it, if 
you have the power. 

"Where houses are vacant occupy them. 
If machinery is idle use it, if practical to 
your purpose. 

"Results can only be achieved through 
organized effort. Banded together and 
cooperating for mutual welfare the un- 
employed will get by the hard winter. 

"I suggest that some provision be made 
for the Industrial Workers of the World 
to organize the unemployed, that a prop- 
aganda card be issued to such new mem- 
bers, said cards to be deposited in the 
industrial union when the person gets 

"If some such plan can be inaugurated 
the unemployed, as soon as industries 
resume operation, will become an integral 
part of One Big Union and through or- 
ganization will be in a position to levy 
tribute on the prosperity that the priv- 
ileged class is anticipating and the news- 
papers are promising as a result of the 
devastation of war." 

On the subject of the work of organi- 
zation in general, Haywood said: 

"One I. W. W. on the job is worth two 

in the jungle. To know the work in hand 
is the duty of every member. Efficiency 
of labor need not be used to increase 
profits. It can be applied to a counter 
purpose. But it must be recognized that 
efficiency and ability are required to oper- 
ate industry. By learning how to apply 
labor power in the most scientific way 
will suggest means of withholding and 
preserving labor power. 

"It should be the ambition of every 
industrial worker to possess a technical 
and practical knowledge of industry. At 
least this knowledge must be concentrat- 
ed in the group with the conscious or- 
ganized purpose of using it for all society 
rather than for a privileged class of idle 
stockholders. The closer we can estab- 
lish relations between the workers who 
produce the raw material and the workers 
who finish the products, the better will 
be the understanding of our class inter- 

"The $1.50 and twelve-hour man has a 
big gap to close. Improvement in the 
standard of the CLASS is our object. 
The common laborer at the meanest work 
is entitled to the same standard of life 
as the most skilled artisan. The chief 
work of the I. W. W. is to organize the 
unskilled and the unorganized. It is up- 
on this great mass of humanity that life 
depends. The skilled worker is compara- 
tively a small faction and will be forced 
to join the branch of his industry in One 
Big Union." 

The tendency is for labor organizations 
to grow conservative as they grow older. 
Time and again we have seen labor or- 
ganizers and new unions start out with 
broad and revolutionary aims, but we 
have usually found these same organizers 
and these same unions becoming fixed 
and conservative or reactionary within a 
few years. 

The last convention of the I. W. W. 
has proven that this union is an excep- 
tion to the general rule. As of yore we 
found our old friends voicing the needs of 
the dispossessed, the unskilled, unorgan- 
ized, and even opening its doors to the 
Unemployed. At last we have found a 
group of workers who really intend to 
cooperate and organize with all workers, 
who are actually urging the workers of 

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the world to unite, and who are endeav- 
oring to make it practicable for them to 
do so. They have let down the bars to 
the unemployed outcast. And we believe 
that the labor world will ultimately come 
to realize that they have greatly added 
to their own STRENGTH thereby. 

For the first time in the labor move- 
ment a union has given free opportunity 

for all men to come into their organiza- 
tion. We believe this will prove to be 
the basis for a future union between the 
men on the job and the men who are 
"laid off" that will ultimately control 
the labor power of the world. It will 
cement the men on the job to the men 
"out of work," and make class conscious- 
ness a more vital force in the world. 

— From the Masses 

^Vky Not "See America First 7 

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An Appeal to tne Miners 

HERE are two cartridges. One is for 
use in the new model Springfield 
rifle, used by the regular army and 
militia. The other is from some old 
blunderbus picked up and used by a striker 
in defense of his home and his family. The 
regular army record with the Springfield 
rifle at a distance of one mile from a mov- 
ing target is ten straight hits. I doubt 
whether the blunderbus aforementioned, 
using the ammunition that we see here, 
would be dangerous at three hundred yards. 
I am asking you, as a representative of the 
Socialist party, to vote for the Springfield 
rifle. Take this weapon from the enemy 
and place it in your own hands. 

The foundations of all government are 
built upon force. Without force capitalist 
law is exactly nothing and no more. Today 
force protects wealth from being enjoyed 
by those who produce it. Forces seizes 
the lands of undeveloped peoples and en- 
slaves them to the machines of international 
capitalism. Capitalist force is now highly 
organized and centralized. In a conflict of 
arms today the workers are doomed to de- 

Of course it is better to die fighting than 
to live as starving slaves. No one can 
deny that. A few days ago I heard a 
Christian preacher in this town say that, 
had he been a striker at Ludlow, he "would 
have taken a six-shooter in each hand and 
never stopped fighting until he was dead/' 
In the bitter conflict which took place in 
Colorado a few weeks ago, you miners 
should rejoice in the mighty sentiment of 
support which you received from the work- 
ers everywhere. Never in the history of 
working-class America has there been such 
unity. The workers throughout the land, 
organized and unorganized, Catholics and 
Protestants, Democrats and Republicans, 
as well as Socialists, gloried in the fact that 
you fought back, and regretted only that 
they could not come, millions strong, to 
your assistance. It was all so heroic and 
inspiring because of the spirit it indicated. 

But it was so hopeless, too. Any man who 
has ever carried a gun down the road, 
under discipline, knows how hopeless it 

Let us look at the facts. Fifteen years 
ago the regular army of the United States 
numbered 25,000. The naval and marine 
force numbered 12,000. The militia, num- 
bering 112,000, was disorganized, poorly 
armed and ineffectual. Today the regular 
army numbers 90,000, the naval and marine 
force 60,000, and the militia, though its 
numbers have not been much increased, is 
today armed, organized and trained much 
as is the regular army. The government 
at Washington thus has an available force 
of 270,000 men. 

But this is only the beginning of the 
story. The ruling class is organized. Our 
producing class is worse than disorganized. 
The ruling class controls the technical 
knowledge of the fighting game. Let us 
not forget that there is no profession in 
the world which requires more of science 
and art, of trained skill, than the profession 
of arms. The ruling class can enlist men 
in large numbers. So can we, I hear some 
one say. But they can arm, feed, clothe 
and transport men. We cannot. At Lud- 
low, and elsewhere in the mining districts, 
when you retreated to the hills, you had no 
reserve ammunition, no blankets, no food 
supply and no cooking utensils. Each one 
of you used up what ever ammunition you 
happened to have with you and then you 
stood helpless. Let me repeat what I have 
already said. You were not permitted to 
debate upon your course: You were forced 
to take up arms. You did your duty as 
best you could. But now that the skir- 
mishes of the past year are over let us not 
refuse to learn their most obvious lesson. 
The working class cannot now take up 
arms and in the long run do anything but 
commit suicide with them. 

The one absolutely unanswerable argu- 
ment for political action in the class strug- 
gle is the physical force argument. The 

Digitized by 




sheriff of the county of Las Animas has 
sworn in, since the Colorado strike began, 
exactly 594 deputies. These included local 
capitalists and scabs and imported profes- 
sional gunmen. It was the working men 
and women of Colorado, you miners in- 
cluded, who placed weapons in their hands 
and clothed their murderous actions with 
the sanction of law. Your Democratic, Re- 
publican and Progressive votes, cast upon 
the water, have returned after many days, 
not as bread, but as bullets. 

Were this the first time such an event 
had happened in Colorado, we Socialists 
would be more disposed to patience. But 
the murder of the workers in this state is 
now an old story. Ten years ago there was 
a general strike of the coal and metallifer- 
ous miners of that state. On that occasion 
I had the privilege of going to Colorado 
and talking to you miners there. Surely 
the message of working class political ac- 
tion, at that time, voiced by scores of speak- 
ers, organizers and thousands of local com- 
rades, reached all of you. We blamed the 
mine owners for the dreadful conditions 
which prevailed in the mines before the 
strike and for the heinous crimes perpe- 
trated upon the workers during the strike. 
Today I cannot repeat that charge. I have 
been to Colorado again, this time to accuse 
the enfranchised portion of the working 
class. You are guilty of the horrors of the 
past eight months. Again and again, dur- 
ing the ten years since the last great mine 
strike, you have elected capitalist sheriffs, 
capitalist legislators, and capitalist judges. 
You have done this in nearly every state. 

Yet Socialist faith in the working class 
is unbounded. We realize that the lesson 
concerning the nature of capitalist rule 
must be taught by experience again and 
again and again. On behalf of the Social- 
ist party, I once more pledge it to serve you 
and you alone. If its candidates are de- 
feated you and I are defeated. If its candi- 
dates are elected to office you and I are 
elected to office and succeed to the powers 
of office. The Socialist party of Colorado 
or West Virginia or Pennsylvania, if neces- 
sary, will place the new model Springfields 
in your hands. If, in the defense of your 
homes and your families, the militia must 
needs be called out, you will ride the horses, 
wrap yourselves in the good blankets, sleep 
under the waterproof tents and eat the very 
good rations which are served to the militia. 

Are all these worth while to you? Would 
they help you in a strike ? Are they worth 
voting for on the second day of next 

It would seem almost unnecessary for me 
to add that a working class Socialist admin- 
istration of Colorado or Montana or Ohio 
would expel every gunman, protect every 
striker's home, and win such reasonable 
demands as you have made, without fixing 
a bayonet to a rifle or firing a single shot. 

One Big Union 

Out of the bitter and unequal conflict in 
Colorado a single fact stands out like a 
great light in the darkness. I refer to the 
action of the railroad workers. During the 
whole strike they have loyally refused to 
haul scabs and gunmen into the strike dis- 
tricts. These railroad rebels included 
switchmen, brakemen, conductors, firemen 
and engineers. A number of them in this 
town were discharged from their jobs by 
the railroad company. All their fellow- 
workmen on the division threatened a 
strike and the rebels were reinstated. All 
hail to these railroad workers! They are 
worthy of the great traditions of the Amer- 
ican Railway Union and the battle of 1894. 

Two facts which the history of the past 
two years in the Colorado and West Vir- 
ginia districts so clearly exhibit are the pil- 
lars of our hope for the future. The first 
is that the working class will fight. The 
second is that, as a class, it is developing 
solidarity. This new unity is industrial as 
well as political. Experience alone can 
teach the mass of the workers. How long 
will it be before our education will be 
sufficient for the work which history has 
now given our class to perform? When 
will the railroad workers refuse to haul 
scab coal out of mines? When will they 
refuse to move a car in or out of a struck 
mine camp ? When will the workers at the 
Rockefeller steel mills at Pueblo be ready 
to quit their machines when the miners lay 
down their tools ? When the coal and metal 
miners, the metal and machinery workers 
and the railroad men, regardless of the 
nature of their work, or the amount of pay 
they receive, are united in ONE BIG 
UNION and in possession of political 
power the time for revolution will be at 
hand. These six millions of strong men, 
united as one, will be a greater force for 
progress than the world has ever known in 

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any land and irl any period of history. This 
force can destroy American capitalism and 
establish Socialism, which will be a condi- 
tion of industrial freedom for all. 

Industrial Unionism 

It seems so simple. We are all in the 
same condition of slavery, of semi-starva- 
tion, of worry concerning the future. The 
forces making for perfect unity are so tre- 
mendous. Suppose some of you have steady 
jobs and comparatively high wages. You 
have children, some of you five or six of 
them. The "good" jobs are becoming 
scarcer every day. What is to become of 
your children? You are sending two or 
three of them to the high school. Without 
jobs that will but increase the misery of 
their poverty. Intelligent skilled workers, 
understanding these facts, are ready to take 
their places in ONE BIG UNION, so they 
will be ready to win more for all. Only 
fools go on to defeat after defeat in little 
groups by themselves. 

That is the only difference I can see be- 
tween industrial unionists and craft union- 
ists in this year, 1914 — intelligent men and 
women on the one hand, asses on the other. 
Take the most aristocratic of all workers, 
the locomotive engineers. You get in the 
west from $150 to $200 a month. But how 
many of you can look forward to a peaceful 
old age and a natural death? Practically 
all of you will be killed or injured sooner 
or later. Why? Chiefly because today 
there are on most railroads less than one- 
third of the number of section hands abso- 
lutely required to keep the road-bed in 
shape. Because the section hands who are 
at work don't get food enough to keep them- 
selves in shape. You die because the shop- 
men don't get a fair chance to repair your 
engines, because the brakemen have to 
work twice as long as flesh and blood and 
nerves should work at the job. And then 
I am told by some of you that your inter- 
ests are not the same as those of the work- 
ing class generally. Let me repeat that the 
difference between the industrial unionist 
and a craft or group unionist today is the 
difference between the intelligent man and 
the fool — a fool accursed by his ignorance 
and through that ignorance dangerous to 
the welfare of his family, of his class and 
a hindrance to social progress. If you 
locomotive engineers and all other skilled 
workers value your lives and care at all 

for the future of your children, bring your 
miserably weak brotherhoods together into 
ONE BIG UNION and join with the shop- 
men and the section hands. Do what the 
miners have done. Then align yourself 
with the miners, the metal workers, the 
farm workers, and all the other toilers in 
the land. 

ONE BIG UNION and that union revo- 
lutionary; opposed to the wages system; 
fighting for and securing better conditions 
today; forcing the parasites off our backs 
tomorrow, a union with twenty-five millions 
of members and a vision that reaches to 
the stars! If you but permit yourselves 
to experience the inspiration of this ideal 
your whole life will be changed, deep down 
at the base of it. You will wish to live 
long, love your fellows and to grow with 
the growth of the world. 

The Strike and the Ballot 

Amidst the scenes of the class war, with 
the black, stricken field of Ludlow in mind, 
we see means and end more clearly. Here 
we must at least set to thinking with per- 
fect confidence in one another's good in- 
tentions. There has been in the past, 
among the American working people, far 
too much of dissension and bitterness of 
spirit. Let me express the earnest desire 
that all of you, for the moment, try to see 
the matter as we Socialists do. I don't 
ask all of you to agree with us finally. I 
do urge you just now to stand beside us, 
to look in our direction, and see the 
things we see. 

This is the way it looks to me : Five hun- 
dred of you live in a mine town up the 
canyon. You are robbed and cheated. You 
protest only to find yourselves despised and 
spat u^Mon. Your lives are always endan- 
gered. Often you follow the coffins of 
relatives and friends murdered in the mine 
by a greedy, scheming, law-breaking cor- 
poration. You're a Catholic and you are 
taxed a dollar a month to pay for a Protes- 
tant parson hired by your boss. What is 
to be done? To that question there can be 
but one answer. You must strike. You 
refuse to go into the mine until your own 
committee assures you that it is safe. You 
refuse to pay a dollar a month for a cor- 
poration parson to pray you into heaven. 
You wish instead to pay for your own 
checkweighmen to prevent the corporation 
from cheating you out of your pay for the 

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coal you dig. You strike and the boss locks 
you out of the mine and drives you out of 

The strike is the greatest human event 
in the world today. It is the worker's will 
to live, expressed in heroic action. It is 
human history in its inmost heart unfolding 
itself. It buries your past with its slavery. 
It gives birth to your future of power and 

The strike is an industrial battle. The 
ballot and the political power it gives sup- 
ply the physical force with which to win 
the battle. We have already shown why 
these two are inseparable. Do not think 
that I am maintaining here the sanctity and 
the virtue of government and of law. Cap- 
italist politicians in legislatures pass laws 
which are deliberately intended to deceive 
the workers. For instance, there is already 
a law on the statute books of Colorado for- 
bidding the importation of strike-breakers 
from without the state. Such a law, with 
capitalist politicians in office, is simply 
nothing. In Cherry, 111., some years ago, 
nearly three hundred workers were burned 
to death in a mine. To accomplish these 
frightful murders the great corporation 
which owned the Cherry mine broke exactly 
five laws which were upon the statute books 
of the state of Illinois. Had any of those 
laws been enforced a thousand widows and 
children would have had their husbands 
and fathers at the supper table that evening. 
Mere laws are nothing. When there is a 
fight, men in the executive offices are what 
count. Put yourselves in office. Enforce 
the laws as they are. Disarm and expel the 
gunmen and enlist the strikers as militia. 
Don't let a wheel turn or a pound of coal 
be mined until the corporations are brought 
to time. Protect every pound and every 
inch of property from destruction by the 
corporation detectives. Your strikes will 
then be won within thirty days. 

The union organizes you. Political ac- 
tion protects you. The strike starves out 
the capitalist. The vote prevents the cap- 
italist from starving you out. The strike 
takes you out of the mines. The vote keeps 
you from going into the jails. The strike 
prevents the capitalist from docking your 
wages to pay for a parson you don't want. 
The vote enables you to tax the capitalist 
to hire a school teacher you do want. The 
strike enlists millions to fight for us who 

can't vote. The vote enlists millions to 
fight for us who can't strike. 

Some say that we cannot trust the men 
we place in political office. Others say that 
we dare not trust those we place in the 
offices of the union. I have not so low an 
opinion of you and you have not so low 
an opinion of me. The men and women of 
the working class everywhere are learning 
to trust themselves and one another. There 
never were more loyal fighters anywhere 
than those we are now enlisting in our 
cause. A much worse evil than the dis- 
loyalty of a few is the ignorance of the 
many. But the workers everywhere are 
learning what they want and the means 
of getting it. 

Compare the United Mine Workers with 
what it was ten years ago. Compare its 
leading officers, its methods, its demands, 
and its fighting power with what each of 
these was ten years ago. That organiza- 
tion is worth infinitely more than it was 
then. Compare the Socialist party with 
what it was ten years ago. At that time 
there were not enough well informed 
socialists in many states to fill a hall. Next 
autumn hundreds of thousands of men and 
women will vote our ticket and know why 
they are doing so. We have crawled out 
of our swaddling clothes and put on armor. 
Our Socialist party propaganda has accom- 
plished more than that of any other organ- 
ization in bringing the workers to a knowl- 
edge of industrial unionism. We have no 
excuses to offer anybody anywhere. We 
are proud of what has been accomplished 
and confident of the future. 


Some of you say that you still do not 
understand Socialism. Socialist conversa- 
tion sounds well but you can't quite "get 
what we're driving at." Let me request 
of you to forget for the moment whatever 
in your mind seems difficult concerning 
Socialism. In just ten minutes the whole 
matter will be as simple as ham and eggs 
for a quarter, over at the corner restaurant. 

When you win one strike, for example, 
you will work eight hours instead of ten. 
That will be law number one passed by 
yourselves, for yourselves. You will get 
a ten per cent increase of wages. That will 
he law number two. You will have your 
own check weighmen. That will be law 

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number three. The laws which count most 
for you are the laws of the mine. Get 
power there and the Kingdom of Heaven 
-will be added unto you here and now. 
Imagine the hours of work becoming less 
and less and the percentage of your prod- 
uct you receive becoming more and more. 
Imagine that, finally, nothing is left for 
the boss to do but to join the union and 
to go to work. 

Some of you are troubled in mind when 
you hear Socialists speak of "The Revolu- 
tion." Nothing else so simple. When we 
are fully organized, industrially and polit- 
ically, we shall beat the whole capitalist 
class and force its members to accept our 
terms. That is "The Revolutio'n." The 
workers of America, being in control, will 
rule themselves on the job. That will be 
Socialist government. Conceive of the 
Congress of the United States being com- 
posed of the representatives of the various 
industries — representatives of the miners, 
of the metal workers, of the railroad work- 
ers and of the farmers. I happen to be a 
teacher. I wish to see the teachers organ- 
ized — kindergartners, primary grades, high 
school teachers, university professors — all 
in one union. When the teachers have less 
work, more to eat and more to say about 
running the schools, we shall have better 

schools. Of course the workers of the 
whole nation will have the supervising 
power, the final voice, in determining how 
much wealth shall be produced, in what 
form, and how our great institutions of 
production shall be managed. Socialism 
will be a condition of industrial liberty 
under the law of a collective democracy. 
Socialism will mean life and freedom and 
civilization and brotherhood for all, realized 
at last. 

As petty struggles fought to secure a few 
small immediate benefits, the miners' strikes 
of the past two years with their sacrifice 
and suffering, their new made graves, 
would not be worth the cost. But con- 
sidered as a part of our great world wide 
conflict, no price, even unto the death of 
thousands, is too great to pay for industrial 
freedom. With the memory of the ashes 
of Ludlow imperishably fixed in our minds 
may we 

"Let dead hearts tarry and trade and marry, 
And trembling nurse their dreams of mirth, 

While we the living our lives are giving 
To bring the bright new world to birth. 

"Come, shoulder to shoulder, ere Earth grows 
older ! 

The Cause spreads over land and sea; 
Now the world shaketh, and fear awaketh, 

And joy at last for thee and me." 

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Copyright Int. News Service 


Tke Workers and tke W 


National Union of Brewery Workers, England. 
E. L. Pratt, general secretary. 

IT is almost inevitable that the eyes of 
many of our members should be turned 
just at present away from the class war 
at home to that other horrible and bloody 
conflict now being fought out on the 
Continent of Europe. But it would be 
deplorable, nay, tragical, if the reality of 
the workers' war on the capitalists were 
allowed, even for a moment, to be ob- 
scured by the artificiality (monstrous 
crime though it be) of the war that the 

workers of the world are now, at their 
masters' bidding, waging against them- 

If our eyes are dazzled by the blinding 
blaze of this lurid abomination may it 
only be that we shall see better when the 
fires of race hatred have died down. 

Our masters are certainly doing their 
best to make us see even now. Brewery 
workers know this to their cost: The 
employers, not content with being rob- 


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11. L. PRATT. 


bers, tyrants and slave-drivers, are now 
entering the ranks of the recruiting ser- 
geants. At a word from the governing 
classes (who alone stand to benefit from 
the war) the brewery owners, along with 
other parasites, are whipping up their 
men to seize a gun and march forth to 
slaughter their own working-class broth- 
ers. Everywhere in our breweries a das- 
tardly underhand pressure is being 
brought to bear on unmarried men. to en- 
list for the war or take 'the sack. We de- 
nounce this as the meanest and most in- 
tolerable form of conscription that could 
be introduced, and we appeal with all 
the force we can command, to workers 
thus intimidated to stop and think before 
they allow themselves to be plunged into 
this insensate struggle, this devilish wel- 
ter of human blood. 

Stop and think as to why wars are 
made in this age of cut-throat competi- 
tion. Stop and think as to whose word 
it was that let loose this carnage of hell. 
Was it yours? The workers of the world 
have no quarrel with each other. The 
capitalists of the world may have — that 
is the logical outcome of their damnable 
trade. But it is not the capitalists who 
are fighting. In the old days the feudal 
lord led his men into battle, and only 
held his lands on the condition that he 
was ready to fight for them. But the 
modern plutocrat, with more at stake, 
has found a better way of protecting his 
property. The wage-slaves of Europe are 
facing each other in the trenches of death 
and battering their own brothers behind 
engines of destruction that their own 
hands have made (more's the pity) in 
order that the masters of the earth, hid- 
ing at home in their palaces, shall wreSt 
yet more toil and tribute out off your 

For make quite certain of this: What- 
ever the result of Armageddon you stand . 
to gain nothing and lose'all round. The 
English may win or the Germans may 
win, but every war is a catastrophe for 
the workers. You were told at the start 
that it was a question of honor and patri- 
otism for which you were asked to sacri- 
fice your lives. But the lie, having served 

its purpose of hurling you against your 
comrades abroad, is now giving place to 
something nearer the truth. It is a war 
for trade — that is, profits for the capital- 
ists — and you are only pawns in the 
game. Already the truth is out. The 
cry has gone forth: Capture German 
trade, collar the mercantile routes, seize 
the enemy's markets. You know what 
that means. You know how much you 
stand to gain when the masters are out 
on the warpath of grab. You remember 
how much you got out of the South Af- 
rican war; and the result for you will be 
the same again, only a thousand times 
worse. Death or mutilation on the bat- 
tlefield, starvation and unemployment at 
home, the loss of dear ones, a bleaker 
winter for the people than the world has 
ever known — and at the end of it all, 
your chains riveted on you more strong- 
ly than ever. 

That is the prospect for which the 
brewery bosses, with their fiendish cun- 
ning, are imploring you, and forcing you 
to enlist. Be not deceived: There is no 
reform, or higher wages, or better con- 
ditions awaiting you as the result of this 
job. It would never have been started if 
the capitalists thought that. Your em- 
ployers allow you only one change of 
uniform. It is either the miserable rags 
of your servitude or the khaki tunic of 
a yet baser tyranny, the mad tyranny of 
the soldier fighting his own class for the 
benefit of money lords. 

The workers, properly organized, 
could have stopped this war. With a 
word they could have rammed the bloody 
suggestion of it down the throats of 
those who made it. But .they were not 
properly organized. That is to come. 
But even now they can exert their in- 
fluence to bring the strife to an end 
sooner than the masters intend. 

To the young unmarried men of our 
breweries we therefore appeal. Unite, 
organize and resist the damnable pres- 
sure that is now being brought to bear 
on you. Submit your ultimatum. Instead 
of it being: Enlist or go, let it be: Hands 
off, or we shut up the breweries. 
Threaten the masters' profits and you 
will have them dumb in five minutes. 

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(The following are extracts from the Paris diary of a worker well known in the 
Socialist and labor movements in America.) 

AUGUST 2nd, 1914. The government 
issued the first mobilization order 
and posted it at 4 p. m. on Saturday. 
They are giving 24 hours for tourists to 
"beat it" out of France. Many Ameri- 
cans, those having large purses, took ad- 
vantage of it and got out on time. It was 
impossible, however, for any one with 
limited means to do so. The American 
line put its prices up so high as to make 
it impossible to leave Cherbourg. For 
instance, on Friday, 24 hours before any- 
body knew of the general mobilization, 
it charged $350 for first class, $250 for 
second class and $175 for steerage. Be- 
jeweled creatures, used to every comfort, 
were content to make the trip at any cost 
and inconvenience. 

You should have seen Paris. The 
death of Jaures passed off without any 
untoward incident. The morning after 
his death, the government over the signa- 
ture of Viviani, promptly came out with 
a statement which left no doubt that the 
government had no part in his death. 
The statement was sincere and complete. 
Everyone, even Victor Dave, thought it 
the finest of its kind. A violent demon- 
stration, which might have split France, 
was averted. 

All the syndicalist unions are nearly 
depleted and have obeyed the mobiliza- 
tion order. Tremendous enthusiasm was 
shown everywhere. Big crowds of Rus- 
sians, Italians, English, students and 
sympathizers, are parading Paris day 
and night. One mob of at least 20,000, 
stretching all the way from the Opera 
to St. Denis, paraded with flags, singing 
in turn their national hymns. The scene 
at night almost beggars description. The 
mobs were almost insanity personified. 

Today all the Bon Laitre Maggi 
stores (the milk stores of the Maggi 
Company) were completely destroyed all 
over the city. The fixtures were taken 
away by the crowds, comprised mostly 
of women, and used for firewood. This 
company is organized by German-Swiss 

Only a detachment of regular cavalry 
prevented the German consulate from be- 
ing destroyed today. It is getting fiercer 
every hour. Americans, however, seem 
to be quite safe. 

How it will end is impossible to tell, 
but I hope that as long as the slaves are 
not ready for the general strike they will 
go to war and fight it out. This war 
should be decisive. No interference 
from the world's money-changers this 
time; for the moment they have reached 
the limit of their borrowing capacity. 
Militarism must be given all the rope it 
wants to hang itself, and settle the peace 
of Europe for at least a century to come. 
All military oligarchies must die with 
this war. All monarchies and so-called 
republics must perish. This war may be 
the prelude of the downfall of capitalism 
the world over. Let us hope so. 

August 6th, 1914. The city is quiet 
now. Mobilization is going on orderly 
and enthusiastically. The entire C. G. T. 
has gone to war. The kataille Syndi- 
caliste is now a pro-military sheet. Gus- 
tave Herve prayed the- minister of war 
do him the honor to allow him to fight 
for his country. Gustave Herve, the 
same Herve who wrote that splendid 
pamphlet on patriotism! How the gods 
have fallen! France is united to a man. 
They will burn Paris before they will 
allow a German soldier to set. his foot 
on it. Underground food stuffs are still 
normal. He who raises prices gets 
licked and his stores promptly looted, 
often in the presence of the gendarmes, 
who only mildly interfere. All over the 
city, big and little tradesmen have posted 
their signs 'Trices not augmented." The 
Frenchman stands for no "monkey- 
shine. " Anybody thinking that property 
is a sacred institution in France is mis- 
taken. They wrecked every German 
Maggi Laitre place in the city in one day, 
which simply goes to show what they 
could do in times where real social revo- 
lutionary principles were at stake. 


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From Comrade James P. Millar, Masselburgh, Scotland. 

HERE in Britain we Socialists stand 
appalled by the hell-black war cloud 
that is sweeping down on us threatening 
to overturn civilization and to damn 
progress for a hundred years. Nor are 
we alone. Our comrades in France, in 
Germany and in Belgium are .suffering 

You in America are no doubt watch- 
ing the European armageddon with tre- 
mendous interest but not with the tremor 
of fear with which we watch it here. 

"Our" prime minister, Mr. Asquith, 
has just embarked on a national cam- 
paign to arouse the country and to ex- 
plain the cause of the war. He pretends 
that the reason for our taking part in the 
conflict is because the neutrality of Bel- 
gium, which we had guaranteed by 
treaty, has been violated by Germany. 
"What account," he says, "would the 
government and the people have been 
able to render to the tribunal of the na- 
tional conscience and sense of honor if, 
in defiance of our plighted and solemn 
obligations, we had endured, if we had 
not done our best, to prevent, aye, and 
to avenge their intolerable wrongs? 

"For my part, I say that sooner than 
be a silent witness — which means — in 
effect — a willing accomplice — to this 
tragic triumph of brutality over freedom, 
I would sooner see this country of ours 
blotted out of the page of history." (As- 

So chanted the old hypocrite. For 
every thinking person knows and Mr. 
Asquith knows that it was not because 
the Prussian hosts trampled on the rights 
of an unoffending people that this coun- 
try took up arms, but because we are 

certain that the defeat of France and Bel- 
gium would precede the defeat of Britain. 

Admitting the "necessity" of this war, 
it is well to consider whether the work- 
ing classes of this country have anything 
to. gain by volunteering to sacrifice their 
lives. Let us look at this question from 
the viewpoint of self-interest. 

They tell us that if we had refused to 
fight, Germany would have been able to 
walk over into England at her leisure. 
In that case the rich would lose a great 
deal of their riches, but, for obvious 
reasons, such a fate could not befall the 
working class. And if the Germans 
looked after this country as well as we 
understand they look after their own, 
there might be fewer slums and less 
starvation. The working class might 
stand to gain. Undoubtedly we would 
lose some of our freedom, but sad to say, 
freedom is only a word to the vast ma- 
jority of us. But the workers take every- 
thing from hearsay with the result that 
they believe that this is their country and 
their country is in danger. And off they 
go to join in the carnage on behalf of 
something that is not theirs. 

The attitude of the Socialist is differ- 
ent. He knows that this is not his coun- 
try. He reads in the government posters 
"Your .king and country need you," and 
he shrugs his shoulders saying, "Yes, 
now; but after the war; no." He can 
starve to death for all his king and his 
country care then. He does see, however, 
that if Britain is beaten both he and his 
comrades in France and Belgium are al- 
most sure to lose a considerable amount 
of freedom which is very dear to him and 
to them. 


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By Karl Kautsky 

(Note. The first duty of Socialists in relation to the war is to understand it. The 
fact that we have a key to the riddle which puzzles the national intelligence gives us 
a great advantage in the present political campaign. The following article is an 
application of Socialist principles to the fundamental problem which demands solu- 
tion. It gains authority from the fact that, excepting the last paragraphs, it was 
written several weeks before the outbreak of hostilities. It was published in Die Neue 
Zeit on September 11th.) 

INDUSTRIAL production receives a 
strong impetus from the development 
of the wage system, the substitution of 
capitalist production for simple pro- 

The capitalist — as capitalist — does not 
labor in the concern from which he draws 
his profits. The independent small pro- 
ducer, laboring with his own hands, has 
motives for shortening the hours of labor. 
These motives do not exist for the capi- 
talist. It should be borne in mind, of 
course, that reference is here made to the 
craftsman of the time when independent 
labor was at its height, before it was re- 
duced to a state of frantic misery by the 
competition of capitalists. 

The capitalist has his men working for 
him. Their discomfort is nothing to him. 
The longer their hours the greater his 

But the individual capitalist must find 
some other means of increasing produc- 
tion. Development in this direction has 
definite physical limitations. But no 
such limitation exists in regard to the 
number of workers who may be em- 
ployed. Whether he employs 10 or 100 
or 1,000 depends entirely on the extent 
of his capital. And every additional em- 
ploye means an increase in profits. 

With increased investment of capital 
and larger number of workers there 
come, naturally, improved machinery, 
greater division of labor, improved meth- 
ods of securing raw materials and mar- 
keting the product. Therefore, no mat- 
ter how rapidly the number of workers 
in any industry has increased, the amount 
of capital invested per worker has grown 
much more rapidly. And in proportion 
as the profits of the individual capitalist 
have grown there has grown also the 
sum which he is unable to consume. 

This accumulation must be constantly 
reinvested if the capitalist process is to 
be continued. 

At this point there appears a tremen- 
dous difference between agriculture and 
industry. The possibilities of investment 
in the one are immensely greater than 
in the other. This does not mean that 
a landowner carrying on agriculture in a 
capitalistic manner has less opportunity 
to accumulate profits than an industrial 
capitalist. But it does mean that in any 
given district the possibilities of invest- 
ing capital in agriculture are more lim- 
ited than the possibilities of investing it 
in industry. The causes of this differ- 
ence are to be found in various technical 
and social considerations. 

Agriculture has to do with the produc- 
tion and reproduction of living organ- 
isms. This process cannot be arbitrarily 
facilitated or extended through the in- 
crease in the number of laborers devoted 
to it. Industry, on the contrary, can be 
developed indefinitely as long as the sup- 
ply of labor and raw material holds out. 

On the other hand, industry is much 
less dependent on land than is agricul- 
ture. If an industrial capitalist has 
money enough he will have little diffi- 
culty in raising the number of his em- 
ployes from 10 to 100. He can almost 
always secure the land which is neces- 
sary to the enlargement of his buildings. 
The agricultural capitalist is in a differ- 
ent position. If he wants to hire ten 
times as many men as hitherto, he must 
have ten times as much land. But the 
land beyond his borders is the private 
property of his competitors. Even if he 
is able to secure land from these, he will 
merely take over their laborers and thus 
the number of workers employed in the 
district will not be increased. In a set- 


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tied country an increase in the number 
of agricultural laborers is out of the ques- 
tion unless there is a change in the 
methods of production. In industry, 
however, there can be in one country or 
region an increase in the number of con- 
cerns, in their average size, and in the 
total number of workers employed even 
without any change in the methods of 

And technical improvements in pro- 
duction affect industry and agriculture 
differently. In both, to be sure, they tend 
to decrease the number of workers in 
proportion to the amount of capital in- 
vested and the product turned out. In 
industry, however, this decrease has been 
only a relative one, never an absolute 
one. Instead of a decrease in the num- 
ber of workers there has been a rapid 
increase in the capital invested and the 
amount of the product. In agriculture, 
on the other hand, the decrease in the 
number of workers has often been not 
only relative but absolute. 

This difference is increased by another 
circumstance. When industry is cut off 
from agriculture, agriculture remains the 
basis of society. Without the constant 
appearance of new agricultural products 
we should not be able to exist. In the 
cities we could hardly subsist for a day 
without new supplies of flour, milk, meat 
and vegetables. But we could wear our 
old coats and hats a little longer and thus 
get on without new ones. So the manu- 
facturer of cotton goods could not get 
on without new importations of cotton, 
but if his spinning machines are old he 
can make them do for another year. 

But this is not all. 

The products of agriculture are less 
varied than those of industry and their 
value is more stable. Grain and milk, 
meat and potatoes are everywhere the 
chief means of sustenance; they are not 
subject to varying fashions. But if you 
wish a new coat, how many materials 
are at your disposal? And how rapidly 
do their fashions change ! And the spin- 
ner who needs a new machine has the 
choice among many designs, and the 
progress in his industry constantly de- 
mands new and better ones. 

All this results in the fact that there 
is to be found in capitalist industry a 
powerful factor which hardly appears 

in agriculture even when it is carried on 
capitalistically. This factor is compe- 
tition, the struggle of various concerns 
for the market. The industrial capitalist 
must cultivate his market far more care- 
fully than does the landowner. The diffi- 
culties of the agriculturist in relation* to 
his market are brought about by the 
middleman rather than by competitors. 

And the situation changes constantly 
to the disadvantage of industry. In- 
dustrial capital is constantly increasing 
and agriculture trails farther and farther 
in the rear. The industrial population 
grows steadily and demands increased 
quantities of farm products for suste- 
nance and raw material. And during 
this time, naturally, the agricultural pop- 
ulation is growing relatively, if not ab- 
solutely, smaller and its demand for the 
products of industry is constantly fall- 
ing off. 

In the struggle of competition the 
larger and better equipped concern has 
an advantage over ethers. The more bit- 
ter competition becomes, the greater is 
the necessity of each concern to enlarge 
its plant and improve its equipment. 

Thus far we have viewed the accumu- 
lation of capital only from the point of 
view of the convenience of the individual 
capitalist. We must now look at it from 
a different point of view. It is more than 
a convenience; it is a necessity. The 
growth of his industry becomes for the 
capitalist a necessary condition of life. 
He cannot wait until there is a greater 
demand for his products. He must in- 
crease his production, and if the demand 
does not increase naturally it must be 
artificially nurtured. 

The intensity of competition is a re- 
sult of the fact of the impetus toward the 
accumulation of capital and the increase 
of production is far greater in industry 
than in agriculture. This fact, which is 
in the first place a result of the difference 
between industry and agriculture, be- 
comes a cause for the increase in this 

This situation presents an important 

Industry must develop rapidly under 
capitalist conditions or society will be 
plunged into misery. Agriculture is con- 
stantly turning off workers. Even where 
the number of agricultural workers re- 

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mains stationary the increase in popu- 
lation is sent to the cities. Industry is 
constantly attracting increased numbers. 
Unemployment results instantly if in- 
dustry does not develop with sufficient 
rapidity. On the other hand, the fiercer 
competition becomes, the more capital- 
ists are forced to expand. If the market 
does not keep abreast of this expansion 
the capitalist stares bankruptcy in the 

But if industry is to expand agriculture 
must keep pace with it. It must furnish 
increased quantities of raw materials and 
means of life; and it must, also, consume 
the products of industry with which 
those of agriculture are purchased. 

How is this possible if the accumulation 
of capital goes on much more rapidly in 
industry than in agriculture? 

Malthus saw that population increases 
geometrically, that is, as the progres- 
sion 1, 2, 4, 8, 16, etc., while the means 
of life increase arithmetically, that is, as 
the progression 1, 2,- 3, 4, 5, etc. He 
viewed this as the law of population. In 
reality, however, it turns out to be a law 
of capitalist accumulation. As such it 
is less terrible than Malthus conceived 
it to be. For in accordance with it the 
industrial population of a region in- 
creases in proportion to the series 1, 2, 4, 
8, 16, while the agricultural population 
remains stationary or decreases. And at 
the same time the total product of an in- 
dustrial worker increases much more 
rapidly than that of an agricultural 
worker. The industry of any district 
would find it impossible to carry on the 
accumulation necessary to its continued 
existence if it were limited to the mar- 
kets of that district. Capitalist accumu- 
lation in industry can proceed freely 
only when the agricultural region which 
supplies its raw material and consumes 
its products is constantly being enlarged. 

Since agrarian production has a two- 
fold relation to industry a rupture be- 
tween them may manifest itself in two 
ways. At one time the market for the 
products of industry in the agricultural 
districts will not increase as rapidly as 
production; then we have what is called 
overproduction. At another time agri- 
culture will fail to produce a sufficient 
quantity of raw material and food, and 
then we have the increased cost of living. 

So far as these phenomena are not the 
results of other considerations which lie 
outside the boundaries of the present dis- 
cussion they are closely related. Either 
one of them may quickly lead to the 
other. The rise of prices leads to a panic, 
which is merely another name for over- 
production, and the panic leads to a fall 
of prices. 

On the other hand, the constant effort 
of industry to increase the agricultural 
region through relations with which it 
carries on its activity may take on the 
most varied forms. It is true that this 
effort is necessary to the continued exist- 
ence of capitalism, but this does not mean 
that the capitalist is compelled to resort 
to any particular methods of expansion. 

One form of effort in this direction is 
called imperialism. This was preceded 
by another known as free trade. Half a 
century ago this latter was regarded as 
the last word of capitalism just as im- 
perialism is today. 

Free trade became a controlling prin- 
ciple through the predominance of the 
capitalist industry of England. Great 
Britain was to be the workshop of the 
world and the world was to be one 
mighty agrarian region for the exploita- 
tion of England, to take England's prod- 
ucts and furnish England the necessary 
raw materials and means of sustenance. 

But this beautiful dream came quickly 
to an end. * * * Agrarian states con- 
stantly tend to build up their own in- 
dustry. At first it was the countries of 
Western Europe and the Eastern states 
of America which went through this 
phase and became competitors against 
England. They opposed English free 
trade with their tariff systems. Their 
idea was to divide the advantages of 
trade with the agrarian regions of the 
world among the great industrial powers. 
England had to defend herself against 
this movement, and this was the begin- 
ning of imperialism. 

Imperialism was especially fostered by 
the system of investing capital in agra- 
rian countries. Railroads were built to 
develop the resources of thinly popu- 
lated regions. To protect these and in- 
sure their operation it was necessary to 
have governments which could and 
would look after the interests of the cap- 
italists. The home governments of the 

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capitalists naturally served these pur- 
poses most efficiently. These remarks 
apply also to extensive investments look- 
ing to the development of mines or any 
other source of wealth. 

So there developed with the tendency 
to export capital to agrarian lands the 
effort to reduce these lands to a state of 
political dependence. 

Another element in the situation oper- 
ated in the same direction. It has already 
been noted that there is a tendency in 
every agrarian region to develop inde- 
pendent industry. In case a country in 
which foreign capital has been invested 
is able to develop its own industry and 
maintain its political independence the 
benefit of the foreign capitalists is only j 
temporary, as in the United States and 
Russia. Instead of furnishing raw ma- 
terials and a market for finished prod- 
ucts such a land soon becomes a com- 
petitor. This fact becomes a strong 
motive tending to force the capitalists to 
attempt to make the new lands depend- 
ent, either as colonies or as parts of a 
sphere of influence. Through the im- 
peding of industry by means of unfavor- 
able legislation they hope to keep them 
agrarian. 1 

These are the chief roots of imperial- 

We have seen that imperialism re- 
placed free trade as a means of capitalist 
expansion. This brings us face to face 
with an important problem : Is imperial- 
ism the final form of capitalist world 
politics, or are we to look for still an- 
other? In other words, is imperialism 
the only means of maintaining the neces- 
sary relation between industry and agri- 
culture within the limits of the capitalist 
system ? 

There is no doubt as to the answer. 
The construction of railways, the ex- 
ploitation of mines, the increased pro- 
duction of raw materials and means of 
life have become necessary to the con- 
tinued existence of capitalism. The cap- 
italist class will not comipit suicide; no 
capitalist party will be willing to sur- 
render with regard to these things. The 
effort to conquer agrarian regions, to re- 
duce their populations to slavery, is too 
vital to the very life of capitalism to ren- 
der possible the serious opposition of any 

capitalist group. The subjection of these 
lands will cease only when their popula- 
tions or the working class of the great 
industrial countries becomes strong 
enough to call a halt. 

This phase of imperialism is only to 
be conquered by Socialism. 

But imperialism has another phase. 
The effort to subdue and hold agrarian 
regions has given rise to serious conflicts 
between the great capitalist powers. 
These conflicts brought about the tre- 
mendous competition in armaments 
which has finally resulted in the long-, 
prophesied world-war. Is this phase of 
imperialism necessary to the continued 
existence of capitalism? Will it dis- 
appear only with capitalism itself? 

There is no economic necessity for the 
continuation of the great competition in 
the production of armaments after the 
close of the present war. At best such 
a continuation would serve the interests 
of only a few capitalist groups. 

On the contrary capitalist industry is 
threatened by the conflicts between the 
various governments. Every far-sighted 
capitalist must call out to his associates: 
Capitalists_oLaH4ands- Jinite ! 

Irr thefirst place we have to consider 
the growing opposition of the more de- 
veloped agricultural regions, which 
threatens not only one or the other of 
the capitalist governments, but all of 
them together. This refers both to the 
awakening of eastern Asia and India 
and to the pan-Islamite movement of Asia 
Minor and northern Africa. 

In the same category is the increasing 
opposition of the proletariat of industrial 
nations to additional taxes. 

To all this was added after the close 
of the Balkan war the fact that the cost 
of armaments and colonial expansion 
reached such a point' that the accumula- 
tion of capital was threatened, and so the 
very basis of imperialism was placed in 

Industrial accumulation in the interior 
did still go on, thanks to technical de- 
velopment of industry. But capital was 
no longer pushing itself into foreign 
fields. This is proved by the fact that 
European governments had difficulty in 
floating their loans. The rate of interest 
was constantly rising. 

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Here are figures showing prices paid 
during ten years : 

Three Three 

per cent per cent 

Imperial French 

Loan Bonds 

1905 89 99 

1910 85 97 

1912 80 92 

1914 77 83 

This will grow worse rather than bet- 
ter after the war if the increase in arma- 
ments continues to make its demands on 
the money market. Imperialism is dig- 
ging its own grave. Instead of develop- 
ing capitalism it has become a means of 
hindering it. 

But this is not equivalent to saying 
that capitalism is at the end of its tether. 
So long as it is possible for the capitalism 
of the old countries to provide a sufficient 
expansion of agricultural domain it can 
go on developing. It may, to be sure, 
be shattered by an uprising of the work- 
ing-class. But until it has exhausted the 
resources of the agricultural regions 
which it can make subsidiary to its 
activities it will not necessarily perish in 
an economic cataclysm. 

Such economic bankruptcy would be 
hastened by a continuation of the pres- 
ent imperialist policy. This policy can- 
not be carried on much longer. 

If imperialism were necessary to the 
continued existence of the capitalist 
method of production these arguments 
against it would make little impression 
on the capitalist mind. But they will 
make a deep impression if imperialism 
is only one among several means of 
achieving this object. 

We can say of imperialism what Marx 
said of capitalism: Monopoly creates 
competition and % competition creates 

The violent competition of great con- 
cerns led to the formation of trusts and 
the destruction of small concerns. Just 
so there may develop in the present war 
a combination of the stronger nations 
which will put an end to the competitive 
building of armaments. 

From a purely economic point of view, 
therefore, it is not impossible that capi- 
talism is now to enter upon a new phase, 
a phase marked by the transfer of trust 

methods to international politics, a sort 
of super-imperialism. The working- 
class would be forced to fight this new 
form of capitalism as it did the old, but 
the danger from it would lie in a new 

This analysis was completed before 
Austria surprised us with her ultimatum 
to Servia. The conflict between these 
two nations did not result from imperial- 
istic tendencies alone. In eastern Europe 
nationalism still plays a role as a revolu- 
tionary force and the present conflict has 
a nationalist as well as an imperialist 
cause. Austria attempted to carry out an 
imperialist policy; she annexed Bosnia 
and appeared to be on the point of bring- 
ing Albania within her sphere of in- 
fluence. Through these activities she 
roused the nationalist spirit of Servia, 
which felt itself threatened by Austria 
and thus became a danger to the Aus- 
trian government. 

The world-war waS brought on, not be- 
cause imperialism was necessary to 
Austria, but because Austria, on account 
of the peculiarity of its organization, en- 
dangered itself through following an im- 
perialist policy. Such a policy can be 
successfully followed only by a state 
which is internally united and which has 
for its field of operations a region far 
behind it in civilization. But in this case 
a state divided against itself, a state half 
Slavic in population, attempted to carry 
out an imperialist policy at the expense 
of a Slavic neighbor state which is quite 
the equal in civilization of the adjacent 
parts of its imperialistic enemy. 

Such a policy could bring down upon 
us such terrible results only through the 
conflicts of interest between other great 
powers which had been fostered by im- 
perialism. Not all the consequences of 
the present struggle are yet apparent. It 
may lead to an increase of armaments. 
In this case the peace which will follow 
will be only in the nature of truce. But 
from a purely economic point of view 
there is nothing to hinder its resulting in 
a Holy Alliance of imperialists. The 
longer the war lasts, the more it exhausts 
all participants, the nearer we shall ap- 
proach the latter solution, no matter how 
improbable it may appear at present. 
(Translated by William E. Bohn) 

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By S. Katayama 

JAPAN is in the hands of the jingoistic 
party headed by the president of the 
Japan Peace Society, Premier Count 
Okuma. The supporters of the Bureau- 
cratic party have demanded an increase 
in the army to recover their lost influence 
and have declared war on Germany. 

The Japanese navy is only too glad of 
an opportunity to fight with anybody in 
order to wipe out the stains of the recent 
navy scandals. Thus Japan is again 
dragged into a meaningless war although 
she has not yet recovered from the Rus- 
so-Jap war. 

The best elements of the Japanese peo- 
ple are opposed to the war. The Oriental 
Economist, a thrice-monthly economic 
and political paper, widely read in Japan, 
has flatly opposed the war and declared 
those advocating it as enemies to the 
best interests of Japan. It said the true 
mission of Japan was to keep peace in 
the far east at this time. 

The parliament has voted 50,000,000 
yen since war was declared ($25,000,- 
000). But it will cost many more mil- 
lions. The press, as might be expected, 
is declaring that war was inevitable be- 
cause of Japan's defensive and offensive 
alliance with England. They also claim 
that Japan must avenge the move of Ger- 
many at the close of the Chino-Jap war 
twenty years ago, when Russia, France 
and Germany compelled Nippon to re- 
turn the Lio Yang peninsula to China. 

It was really Russia that compelled 
this move. But today Japanese military 
authorities have nothing to say of the 
part played then by France or Russia. 

The truth of the matter is that our old 
bureaucrats want to increase the army 
and navy to give them a firmer grip on 
the necks of the Japanese people. 

It is reported that the high military 
authorities intend to experiment in this 

war with many new arms and new tac- 
tics of war so that both soldiers and, 
sometimes, our officers, are to be used 
just like so many live mice, rabbits and 
dogs at the Rockefeller Institute. 

"Don't kill a soldier in capturing Kiao 
Chow" has become one of the demands 
of the Japanese people. We have an old 
saying, "Don't whip a dog that is lying 
down." In Japan's military operations 
against Germany today the people regard 
the war in much the same light. They 
do not think it is courageous or even 
moral to attack a weaker party which has 
little chance for success. It is a national 
trait to see the Japanese backing a war 
against a stronger or even a much bigger 
nation than we are. 

Of course Japan is suffering in many 
ways because of the wars. Some of our 
industries shut down because of lack of 
European supplies while others closed up 
because of lack of business. Of course 
thousands of people are out of work. The 
price of silk has fallen 50 and 60 per cent. 
The prices of cocoons went so low that 
many small farmers could not pay the 
cost of mulberry leaves to feed the 

During the Russo-Jap war the Social- 
ists in Japan accomplished some very 
good anti-war propaganda, but we are 
permitted to do nothing this time. A big 
fight is coming later on appropriations 
for the army and navy. If the bureau- 
cratic party wins, the Japanese Socialists 
will be still further oppressed; while if 
the opposition is victorious, they may 
enjoy a few more liberties. By M. S. 
Katayama. (Comrade Katayama left 
Japan a short time ago to attend the In- 
ternational Socialist Congress in Vienna. 
He is now working among the Japanese 
in California.) 


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An Analysis of the Factors That Led European Socialists to Support 

the War 


AS a speaker for the party organi- 
zation, I have addressed many 
meetings in the last few weeks, — 
the subject-matter of my talk re- 
lating mainly to the war in Europe. 

I have tried to show that the cause of 
the murderous conflict was not the de- 
sire to preserve civilization, to oppose 
militarism or uphold national honor ; that 
the bloody battles were being fought not 
on account of religious or racial hatreds 
or national antagonisms. 

Using the commonly accepted theories 
of Socialism as a basis for the argument, 
I explained that all modern wars were 
caused by commerce — by the desire of 
rival capitalist groups to dominate the 
foreign markets of the world; that this 
insatiable greed for dividends and profits 
results in bitter competition between the 
merchants and manufacturers of the dif- 
ferent nations, and that their intense 
commercial clashes develop ultimately 
into armed conflicts, and finally into uni- 
versal war. 

I demonstrated how the ruling classes 
of Europe, in order to protect their vast 
economic interests, had built up tremen- 
dous military machines and naval arma- 
ments. I pointed out how the labor 
unions and the Socialist parties had con- 
stantly fought militarism and the crush- 
ing burdens of war preparations. So- 
cialism, I asserted, stood for peace and 
protection; capitalism, for war, disaster 
and death! 

Invariably after I had concluded my 
speech, and opened the meeting to ques- 
tions, I was asked: Why don't the So- 
cialists practice what they preach? 

Why do they say that they are opposed 
to the spirit of nationalism when their 
actions in Europe prove the contrary? 

Why do they assert they do not be- 
lieve in patriotism when their leaders are 
now calling upon the people to join the 
army and fight for their country? 

Why, instead of murdering their fel- 
low-workingmen, don't they revolt, para- 

lyze the government and stop the war? 

Why do the European Socialists de- 
nounce militarism, and then urge every 
one into the battle lines? 

If the capitalists are responsible for 
the war, and it is true the fight is being 
waged solely for the sake of profit, why 
do the working class leaders call upon 
the masses to take up arms in behalf of 
their masters? 

If the European Socialists are right 
in the stand they have taken, then you,« 
here, must uphold and advocate patriot- 
ism, nationalism, robbery and murder. 
Why don't you do it? 

If the attitude of the European Social- 
ists is wrong, why don't you denounce 
them? Why don't you take steps to 
make them adhere to internationalism 
and solidarity? 

These are a few of the questions that 
have been asked. They show that the 
people have begun to think. Unani- 
mously they are opposed to the war, but 
they are surprised — many of them are 
horrified — that the Socialists, who have 
always posed as the chief upholders of 
the propaganda of peace, — who for so 
many years preached a wonderful doc- 
trine of brotherly love, now at a crisis, 
relinquish all their theories and princi- 
ples, and aid the capitalists in their ter- 
rible, blood-thirty carnival of patriotism 
and slaughter! 

I have tried to answer the questions to 
the satisfaction of the audience. 

Temporarily, the principles of inter- 
national Socialism were vindicated, and 
possible converts and sympathetic citi- 
zens went away feeling that Socialism 
still stood for peace, and capitalism for 

But while my listeners were satisfied, 
I was not. 

For weeks past a heavy cloud of doubt 
has hung over my head. I have been 
thinking. I have been considering the 
sneering and cynical questions hurled 
forth from the depths of the crowd. 


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I have looked at every side of the mat- 
ter and have reached certain definite con- 
clusions. I have excluded prejudices, 
and formulated my ideas; and I desire 
to know if the majority of the comrades 
agree or disagree with me. 

I want to know what I can consistently 
and conscientiously tell my audiences. I 
hate hypocrisy. I despise double deal- 
ing. I admire frankness. When I am 
asked: Are the Socialists of Europe 
right or wrong, what shall I answer? 

The speakers of the party are bound 
to uphold the ideas of the organization. 
They are pledged to advocate the princi- 
ples enunciated in its platform. They 
are required to answer all questions con- 
cerning the interests pi the working 
class. In the absence of a special and 
definite declaration by the party; in the 
absence of any official or authoritative 
action by the majority, the speakers of 
the party are forced to state its attitude 
on all questions of public moment. 

Temporarily, the speakers become the 
party. Their ideas become, to the peo- 
ple, the ideas of the organization. The 
political aggregate is responsible for 
their individual utterances. 

It is urgently essential, then, that the 
speakers do not contradict one another. 
It is absolutely necessary that their ex- 
planations be alike. Otherwise confusion 
will arise in the public mind, and our 
propaganda will be made ridiculous by 
its glaring inconsistencies. 
, Uncontrolled by party decision, one 
speakfer may justify a petty and criminal 
nationalism. One may advocate a broad 
spirit of international brotherhood. A 
third may denounce only such military 
policies as are aggressive. Another may 
plead the necessity of strong defensive 
measures. Prejudices will arise. Racial 
and national antagonisms will be vented 
as doctrines of the party. Hence the 
danger! Hence the reason of this ar- 

I shall express my views. I want the 
comrades to express theirs. I desire the 
party to take action! 


Do we believe in the solidarity of the 
workers of the world? 

Do we look forward to the brother- 
hood of humanity? 

Do we desire the elimination of all 
barriers — national, religious and racial? 

These questions can all be answered in 
the affirmative, — but only in a theoretical 

Considered practically, — and using the 
actions and tactics of our European com- 
rades as a basis for judgment, we are 
sorrowfully and reluctantly forced to ad- 
mit, that while we may believe in the 
idea of internationalism, the thought 
proves to be only a Utopian unreality 
when we are tasted. Then we support 

For years it had been our proudest 
boast that Socialism would make war 
impossible. In innumerable leaflets, in 
countless pamphlets, in our party press, 
from our street platforms, we have 
laughed at the capitalists and political 
rulers of Europe. 

We congratulated ourselves upon our 
strength and our spirit of solidarity. We 
looked upon the increasing forces of So- 
cialism. We saw the labor unions grow 
stronger and stronger every year. With 
delighted eyes we read the election re- 
turns, showing the tremendous increases 
in the Socialist vote. 

The parliaments of Europe were in- 
vaded. The Socialist representation 
doubled and tripled. Reform measures 
were forced from unwilling governments. 
The general condition of the working 
masses was gradually improved. 

With smug self-satisfaction we counted 
4,500,000 Socialist voters in Germany, 
1,500,000 in Austria, 1,600,000 in France, 
900,000 in Italy, 500,000 in England, and 
countless hundreds of thousands in Nor- 
way, Sweden, Denmark, Belgium, Hol- 
land, Switzerland, Spain, Portugal, Ser- 
via, Bulgaria, Roumania and Russia. 

We gloried in our numbers. We 
boasted of our power. We jeered at the 
capitalists, the bankers, the land owners 
and the rulers. 

We held international congresses. We 
exchanged fraternal greetings. We aided 
one another in times of strike — in times 
of hunger. 

When the English miners laid down 
their picks, and the transport toilers left 
their work, we sent food, clothing and 

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money to help them win their fight. 
Every unionist in Europe aided them in 
the struggle. 

When the German workers went on 
strike, every worker on the continent 
rallied to their support. Loyally they 
assisted in feeding the hungry, clothing 
the ragged, and sheltering the homeless, 
until the battle was over. 

When the Swedish workers were en- 
gaged in a titanic conflict with their em- 
ployers and the general strike was pro- 
claimed, — they were financially sup- 
ported by every labor union and Socialist 
party organization of Europe. To a man, 
the working class of every nation re- 
sponded to the relief of the embattled 

We looked upon these glorious evi- 
dences of our international solidarity, 
and we smiled contentedly. 

Time after time when the criminal 
publicity organs of the capitalists were 
urging and discussing a war between 
England and Germany, the Socialists of 
both countries exchanged fraternal greet- 
ings, and jeered at the murderous ma- 
chinations of the merchants and politi- 
cians . . . and there was no war! 

When the storm clouds hung over Ger- 
many and France on account of the 
Morocco question, the Socialists of those 
countries exchanged telegrams regarding 
the situation, formulated a policy and 
hindered the military preparations . . . 
and there was no war ! 

The Socialists were elated. The capi- 
talists could not plunge the nations into 
blood and disaster. The diplomacy of 
labor had won the day. The interna- 
tional solidarity of the working class had 
again been maintained. 

In the palaces the capitalists and the 
rulers heard our shouts of victory. They 
saw our marching hosts, and parades 
symbolic of brotherhood and friendship. 

In the libraries they read our grandilo- 
quent pamphlets. They perused our 
fiery and enthusiastic orations. They 
lingered over our outbursts of senti- 
mental bombast . . . and they roared 
with laughter. 

He who laughs last, laughs best. They 
remembered the proverb. They remem- 
bered that they, and not the workers, 
were the masters of the earth. They re- 

membered that they, and not the work- 
ers, could maintain peace or declare war. 

They knew they had force on their 
side. They had ignorance to aid them, 
religion to support them, patriotism to 
justify them, and above all — the political 
policies of the Socialists to assist them in 
the destruction of the rising power of the 

They waited their time. 

The Cause of the War 

The storm broke. The volcano burst 
forth . . . Europe was in the throes 
of the bloodiest disaster ever recorded in 
human history. 

For years previous the capitalists had 
been preparing for the conflict. 

With the development of the industries 
of the different nations came a tremen- 
dous increase of production. 

The wages of the workers of Europe 
were unable to buy back the enormous 
amount of commodities they had pro- 

Unable to sell their goods in their own 
countries, the capitalists were forced to 
seek foreign markets. These markets 
were chiefly nations that were not in- 
dustrially developed. 

Each of the larger European countries 
had a huge export trade. Their mer- 
chants fought to sell their wares. Com- 
petition arose. They underbid one an- 
other. They cut into each other's profits. 
They waged a relentless war of economic 

The Japanese manufacturers struggled 
with the Russian manufacturers; the 
English and the French with the German 
traders. Now the English would extend 
their sphere of influence, and reap fabu- 
lous profits out of the conflict; now the 
Japanese would succeed; now the Ger- 

The capitalists of each nation appealed 
to their governments for support, — for 
military and naval assistance in dominat- 
ing the market. 

The Russian-Japanese war is an illus- 
tration of the results of commercial 

In Europe the kings, czars, emperors 
and presidents, controlled by the finan- 
cial interests, were arming for the inevi- 
table fight. 

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German trade was the largest. Its 
capitalists had the most at stake; hence 
the enormous expenditures for military 
and naval purposes. 

The governments of Russia, Austria, 
France and Italy kept pace with these 
preparations. And England spent more 
than all — particularly upon its maritime 

The archduke of Austria, heir to the 
throne, was assassinated. The spark was 
lit, — the flame ignited. The excuse had 
been furnished. 

The Austrian bureaucracy accused the 
Servian government of instigating the 
murder. The Servian authorities denied 
the accusation. 

The reply was not satisfactory. Aus- 
tria declared war on Servia. 

Russia immediately began mobilizing 
and massing its troops on the Austrian 
and German frontiers. 

Germany demanded an explanation. 
The replies were evasive. Germany de- 
clared war on Russia. 

The capitalist-controlled government 
of liberal France, bound by bloody diplo- 
matic ties to despotic Russia, began 
preparation to assist its ally. 

Germany declared war on France and 
hurried its battalions through Belgium. 
The Belgians resisted and called upon 
England for help; and the capitalists of 
that country, who had eagerly awaited 
the request, responded immediately. War 
was declared on Germany. 

All Europe rocked in the roar of con- 

The Position of the Socialists 

Where were the Socialists? What 
were they saying? What were they do- 
ing? Where was their vaunted strength, 
— their solidarity? Where was interna- 
tionalism? Where was the lauded gen- 
eral strike? Where was revolution? 

When the war clouds hovered over 
Austria and Servia our comrades were 
intensely active. 

Huge mass meetings were held pro- 
testing against the impending war. The 
people paraded thro* the streets denounc- 
ing militarism. Our newspapers warned 
the blood maddened rulers. They threat- 
ened them with the anger of the aroused 

Our representatives in the various par- 

liaments did their utmost to induce their 
governments to stay out of the general 

They talked and they shouted. They 
protested and they demanded. They 
paraded with revolutionary banners. 
They sang the "Internationale," and — 
that was all ! 

When war was declared, and their gov- 
ernments ordered them to mobilize, they 
mobilized ! 

When they were commanded to march, 
they marched! 

When they were told to shoot, they 

In a moment, ten million intelligent, 
peace-loving workingmen had become 
ten million brutal, savage murderers ! 

In an instant ten million men who 
were opposed to patriotism, opposed to 
nationalism, opposed to capitalism, had 
become ten million men eager to fight for 
national honor, eager to defend their 
country's integrity, — eager to assist their 
treacherous masters in shedding the 
blood of their fellow workingmen! 

How could such a horrible change 
occur so suddenly? What made possi- 
ble this terrible phenomenon of incon- 
sistency ? 

How could these educated and organ- 
ized workingmen so soon forget their 
sacred bonds, — their blood-sealed pledges 
of international solidarity? 

There is only one explanation. And 
I give it despite the storm of opposition 
it will arouse, and despite the denuncia- 
tions of those who hate to see the truth 

I assert that the responsibility for the 
fact that millions of Socialists have for- 
saken the principles of internationalism and 
are now butchering one another like blood- 
thirsty cannibals, rests not so much on the 
political and industrial masters of Europe 
as it does upon the political policies and 
tactics pursued by the Socialist parties of 

I assert that the participation of the 
Socialists in the conflict followed as a 
natural and logical result of the political 
measures they were constantly advocating. 
Let me present my evidence. 

Reform and Compromise 

The Socialists of Europe early realized 
that it was impossible to overthrow capi- 

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talism suddenly. They knew it could 
not be accomplished by a single blow. 

Revolution, to their minds, was im- 
practical. The lines of evolution, how- 
ever, could be easily followed. 

Reforms could be urged and insisted 
upon. Measures to relieve the poverty 
and wretchedness of the working masses 
were advocated and fought for, until 

In fact, most of the issues upon which 
the Socialists waged their battles were 
purely reformistic, and not revolutionary, 
in character. They were framed not to 
overthrow the capitalist system, but to 
maintain it; to lessen its horrors, to de- 
crease its evil effects upon the people, 
but, still, in the ultimate, to prolong it! 

So urgently and persistently was this 
struggle for political, industrial and so- 
cial reforms fought that quite often the 
ultimate object of Socialism was lost 
sight of. 

The attention of the masses was fas- 
tened upon reform instead of revolution, 
and the people were quite often led to 
believe that issues of trifling moment 
were matters of the utmost importance. 

The doctrine that if a whole loaf could 
not be secured, a half, or a quarter, or 
even an eighth of a loaf, was good, under 
the circumstances, was constantly poured 
into the ears of the protesting slaves, 
until they were thoroughly hypnotized 
and accepted it as a permanent policy. 

Compromise became the rule in all our 
political organizations. 

Alliances were formed with capitalist 
parties of radical tendencies. Bargains 
were made whereby believers in capital- 
ism voted for believers in Socialism, and 
believers in Socialism voted for believers 
in capitalism! 

The people were led to believe that oc- 
casionally they could join their opponents 
on certain issues. 

Their minds were trained to accept the 
idea that while capitalism was evil, cer- 
tain sections of the capitalist class were not 
as bad as reported. 

Our Attitude Toward Armaments 

Eliminating from our present consider- 
ation the various reforms — social, politi- 
cal and economic — which were repeatedly 
urged by the Socialist Parties of Europe, 

and considering only their attitude con- 
cerning militarism, the subject under dis- 
cussion, we find that most of our organi- 
sations did not advocate the abolition of 
the armies and navies of their countries; 
they did not demand the entire elimination 
of military expenditures. 

They evidently thought that this was 
too strong and too revolutionary a de- 

They believed it was impossible of at- 
tainment. Instead they preached reform. 

In place of compulsory service, they 
urged voluntary enlistment. 

In place of a huge standing army, they 
pleaded for a citizen militia. 

In other words, they argued that in- 
stead of having a tremendous war ma- 
chine that crushed the workers with the 
burden of its support, they desired a citi- 
zen soldiery. 

This would be practically an inexpen- 
sive Body. The load of taxes would be 
"lifted from the toiling masses." 

Summed up, then, their position im- 
plied that instead of a huge and costly 
militarism, they wanted a weak and less 
expensive militarism! 

But let this fact be noted, that whether 
they urged a small army instead of a large 
one, a cheap army instead of a costly one, 
voluntary service, instead of compulsory 
service, they stood, by that very action and 
demand, irrevocably committed to a mili- 
tary system, and eventually, to war! 

When the debate regarding the grant- 
ing of money for military purposes arose 
in the Reichstag recently, the Socialists 
did not vote against the measure. They 
were only opposed to placing the addi- 
tional burdens upon the backs of the 
workers. When the wily politicians of 
capitalism shifted the load upon the 
pockets of the landowners and mer- 
chants, then the Socialists voted for the 
bill — voted for the continuation of mili- 

When a few months ago the question 
of increasing the length of compulsory 
service from two to three years came up 
in. the French Chamber of Deputies, our 
comrades, instead of urging the abolition 
of compulsory service, voted for the two- 
year term, as the lesser of the choice of 
evils. In other words, they voted for the 
maintenance of militarism! 

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Well might the rulers of Europe laugh 
at the simplicity and naive hypocrisy of 
the Socialists! 

Well might they relish the success of 
their crafty diplomacy! 

Here were millions of men who imag- 
ined they were battling against militar- 
ism, and the capitalists had hypnotized 
their representatives into voting for mili- 
tarism ! 

It mattered not to the ruling class that 
the Socialists had voted for a weaker and 
less expensive form of militarism, the 
main point was that they had supported 

So long as the heads of the masses 
were still filled with militaristic ideas; 
so long as they thought that three years' 
service was bad, but two years' service 
good; that a huge standing army was evil, 
but a strong citizen soldiery essential, the 
rulers were satisfied. 

They, themselves, could not have 
trained the minds of the people any bet- 
ter. The workers' state of psychological 
delusion fitted well with the murderous 
plans of the masters. 


Repeatedly accused by their political 
opponents of being anti-patriotic, and 
enemies of their own country; taunted 
with being traitors that desired their na- 
tion to be crushed by its commercial 
rivals, the Socialists indignantly replied 
that they were not the foes of their country, 
and that if it were threatened by a foreign 
power, they would rush to its defense — 
nay, they would shed their very life blood 
to preserve it! 

In flaming editorials, in brilliant ora- 
tions, the Socialist leaders constantly re- 
affirmed their position. We are opposed 
to aggressive military preparations. We 
are opposed to attacking other powers for 
the sake of the profits of the capitalist class. 
We are, however, in favor of self-protec- 
tion. We uphold all measures tending to 
national defense, and if our nation is 
threatened we zvill be the first to protect it 
from danger! 

"If our country is attacked," shouted 
our representatives in the various par- 
liaments, "we will be the first to shoulder 
our guns and save it." 

Such was the military policy of the 

Socialists in practically every country of 

They opposed aggressive preparations. 
They favored defensive measures. 

The prominent leaders of our movement 
trained the masses to accept this view. 
In other words, they inoculated the people 
with the horrible and poisonous virus of 
patriotism — of national defense! 

Such was the training, such was the 
education, such wefe the feelings and 
tactics of the Socialists. They would not 
go to war except for national defense. 

"For national defense!" What music 
to the ears of the money-maddened capi- 
talists! It was not a phrase — it was a 
power! The power to hurl the working 
class at one another's throats — in the in- 
terests of the profit-takers! 

National Defense 

War was declared. The Austrian 
bureaucracy shouted: The Servians, 
aided by Russia, are undermining our na- 
tion. They have assassinated our rulers. 
They have attacked our country. We 
are in danger. We must defend our- 
selves ! 

The Servian authorities proclaimed the 
fact that Austria was seeking to destroy 
the nation. They called upon every man 
to rise and defend his native land! 

The Russian government asserted Aus- 
tria was bent on dealing it a crushing 
blow. The country was in danger. The 
people must rise in self-defense. 

The German militarists roared: Our 
homes are threatened. Our trade is 
menaced. Our civilization is endangered. 
We will be butchered by the Russian 
barbarians. To arms ! Let us defend the 
fatherland. "Deutschland, Deutschland, 
ueber alles!" 

The Belgian authorities shrieked : The 
Germans are beginning to march through 
our territory. Our liberties are assailed. 
Our homes are violated. Our national 
integrity is threatened. We must rise 
and defend ourselves! 

The ruling murderers of France also 
shouted : Germany is marching upon us. 
Our cities will be crushed. Our people 
will be slaughtered. Our freedom will 
disappear. Autocracy will rule. To 
arms! In self-defense! La patrie est en 

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And the brutal beasts that control the 
English government joined in the blood- 
thirsty chorus : We will be overwhelmed 
by a military despotism, they shrieked. 
The Germans intend to strike their 
heaviest blows at us. They intend to de- 
stroy our trade and take our lives. This 
is not a war in which we are the ag- 
gressors. It is a war in which we must 
protect our very homes. We must de- 
fend our nation and our liberties. We 
must fight in self-defense! 

Self-defense became the battle cry. 
The masters called upon their slaves, and 
their slaves responded. In a day mil- 
lions of workers had been turned into 
soldiers, eager to maim and murder their 

Patriotism had triumphed. Nationalism 
had conquered. International solidarity 
was crushsed — and slaughter became the 
policy of those who were supposedly op- 
posed to slaughter! 

// was the logical and inevitable result! 

The policy of compromise had justified 
war as long as the ruling class could give 
the hypocritical excuse of self-defense. 

Have the Workers Any Country? 

Could the Socialists have prevented the 
war? They could! 

Why were they so willing to fight and 
die for their country? Did they not know 
that the workers, no matter where they 
were born, had no country ? 

How often had our philosophers, our 
statisticians, our writers and our orators 
proven that the workers — those who pro- 
duced all the wealth of the nation— had 
no share in its ownership except their 
wages. They did not own the land 
where they were born and dwell. They 
did not own the mills, the mines, and the 
factories where they worked. 

Germany was not in possession of all 
the German people. It belongs to a few 
of the German people— to the landlords, 
the merchants, the bankers, the manu- 
facturers, and the aristocracy. 

The workers owned nothing but their 
bodies, their muscles, their rags, their 
furniture— that was all! 

Why, then, did not the German workers 
realize that not they, but -their masters, 
were the owners of the fatherland? 

And, if they would not lay down their 

lives for their brutal rulers in time of 
peace, what horrible, diabolical spirit 
urged them to sacrifice themselves like 
sheep as soon as their criminal masters 
shouted : War ! 

Did not the workers of France know 
that the land of France did not belong to 
them, but to the capitalists? Did they not 
realize they were taking up arms, not in 
defense of their possessions, but in de- 
fense of their masters' property? 

Similar questions could be asked of the 
Belgian, English, Russian and Austrian 

If they were Socialists, as they pro- 
fessed to be, they knew they were ex- 
ploited, disinherited and propertyless. 
. . . That they had no flag, no coun- 
try, no rights! 

Preserving Civilization 

The German Socialists say they were 
justified in taking up arms against the 
Russians. They wanted to preserve their 
culture, their civilization against the bar- 
barism of the Slav. They wanted to pro- 
tect their wonderful institutions and demo- 
cratic government from the political des- 
potism of the savage Russians. 

The French Socialists pleaded that 
their reason for murdering their working 
class brothers was their passionate and 
undying desire to save their liberal, insti- 
tutions from the autocratic militarism of 
the Teuton! J 

The Belgians offered the same excuse; 
and the English Socialists not to be out- 
done in hypocrisy, proclaim that the rea- 
son they favored the war was their 
earnest desire to defend democracy from 
the baneful domination of German bu- 

If zve are to judge according to nation- 
alistic prejudices, and, for the moment, ac- 
cept the views advanced by our German 
comrades, then the English, French, Belgian 
and Russian Socialists must be horribly 
zvrong; and must be engaged in a criminal 
and unholy zvar against the best that human 
civilization has yet produced. 

If the declarations of the English, French, 
Belgian and Russian comrades are true, then 
the Socialists of Germany and Austria are, 
in a great measure, responsible for the most 
terrible butchery ever recorded in human 

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Who is right? Who is wrong? 

What wonderful institutions, what re- 
markable civilization had the Germans 
to fight for? 

Was it for the three-class system of 
voting? Was it for the state controlled 
railroads and mines? Or for the capi- 
talist controlled lands, factories and 
mills? For the tenements they slept in? 
For the galling poverty that lay heavy 
Upon them ? For the raggedness, wretch- 
edness and starvation they suffered? For 
the periods of unemployment that threw 
them like dogs into the streets? Were 
they fighting for that? Was it this mur- 
derous, degrading civilization they were 
trying to preserve? 

And the French, why were they shoot- 
ing and bayonetting? ... To preserve 
freedom? Freedom! The freedom to 
slave? The freedom to be hungry? The 
freedom to be maimed in industrial acci- 
dents? The freedom to send tiny chil- 
dren into the fields and the factories? 
The freedom to permit their daughters 
to sell their bodies for bread? Were those 
the glorious and liberal institutions they 
were trying to maintain? Is that why 
they were murdering the Germans? 

Were the people of France, with all 
their art, their science, their culture, their 
music, and their political liberalism, any 
happier, any healthier, any more prosper- 
ous than their brothers of Germany, who 
lived under the rule of a crushing au- 
tocracy ? 

Did they eat more? Did they wear 
finer clothing? Did they live in better 

Liberty is a wonderful word, but a word 
can not fill a stomach, neither can bureau- 
cracy empty it! Under capitalism, both 
must give the workers enough to enable 
them to toil and make profits for their mas- 

The Belgian Socialists said they did not 
want military domination by Germany. Did 
they prefer the slimy hypocrisy of clerical 
domination? The priests controlled the 
government of their country. Were the 
Socialists fighting to preserve their rule? 

And the English comrades shouted: 
We are fighting to preserve our democ- 
racy — our civilization! 

Nowhere in the world is there as much 
biting poverty, as much, abject misery, 
as much raggedness, hunger and unem- 

ployment as in that land of alleged demo- 
cratic rule. Was that the civilization the 
English Socialists advised the workers 
to lay down their lives for? 

It makes no difference what country the 
wage workers live in. They are slaves in all. 
To them, one nation is no better than an- 

Nowhere in the world is there as much 
alleged liberty as in the United States. 
Here we are supposed to be free and 
equal. Here there is opportunity for all, 
and the rights of life, liberty and happiness 
are guaranteed to all citizens. 

Here we have religious, social and po- 
litical freedom. Here we have unparal- 
lelled democracy, . . . and who can doubt 
our marvelous civilization? 

Yet, of what value are all those high- 
sounding sentences to us of the working 

Do we not know that we have no po- 
litical liberties? Do we not realize that 
there is no opportunity? Do we not see 
that there is no social equality? Do we 
not know that we are industrial chattels? 
Do we not work long hours and get low 
wages? Aren't we wounded and killed 
in the factories and mines? Aren't our 
children taken from us by the millions 
and forced into industry? Aren't our 
women obliged to sell their bodies in 
order to exist? Aren't we robbed of the 
greater part of our product? Aren't we 
jailed or shot down whenever we pro- 
test? Aren't we always poor— just like 
our fellow slaves of Europe? 

What difference would it make to the 
workers of Belgium if the German gov- 
ernment dominated them, instead of the 
Belgian authorities? 

What difference would it make to the 
Germans if the British controlled their 
nation ? 

Was the condition of the factory and 
field slaves of Alsace-Lorraine any worse 
under German rule than under French 
rule? Was it any better? 

Would the condition of the laboring 
masses of the United States be any less 
horrible if the nation were governed as 
a colony of Great Britain? 

Are we happier and better off when 
American criminals rule and rob us? 

The truth is, that conditions are on 
the average just as bad and oppressive in 
one country as in another. 

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It makes no difference what grand, 
eloquent phrases are used to befuddle us, 
the fact remains that in all nations, 
whether monarchies, republics or des- 
potisms, the working class is deprived of 
the greater share of its product — and is 
enslaved to the. capitalist class! 

Our enemy is not this country or that 
country. Our enemy is not this form of 
government or that form. Our implacable 
enemy is capitalism. It is that power we 
must fight, not alone in time of peace, but 
also in time of war! 


Could the Socialists have acted other- 
wise than they did? Could they have 
prevented the war? A careful analysis 
of the facts proves that they could. It 
lay within their power. 

There was just one course they could 
have adopted. It was desperate. It was 
bloody, but it could have saved millions 
of lives. It was the only weapon that 
could have beaten down the murderous 
clash of militarism. It was revolution! 

The working masses were organized. 
They were educated. We had trained 
and developed ten million class-conscious 
workers to overthrow capitalism. The 
same tremendous horde could have been 
mobilized and ordered to crush militar- 

Impossible! Impracticable! cry the 
apologists of cowardice. The rulers 
would have laughed at our threats ! 

We would have been crushed in a 
bloody massacre! shout the upholders of 

Any violent attempt at overthrowing 
the master class would have ended in 
horrible disaster! scream the blinded ad- 
herents of treacherous patriotism. 

Instead of being a wild and impractical 
scheme, it was the only sane and practical 
plan our comrades could have followed. 
Not only that, but the brilliant results 
achieved by the Italian Socialist party, 
prove that revolution — or the menace of 
revolution — could be used successfully as a 
weapon for the benefit of the working class! 

The Italian Socialists, impulsive, emo- 
tional, hot-headed, and loosely organized, 
made use of their power. They threat- 
ened a revolution. They organized their 
forces. They prepared for action. 

They demanded that their government 

stay out of the conflict. They said they 
were opposed to war. And they meant 
every word ! 

The political and industrial masters of 
Italy listened to the ominous protests of 
the people. They saw the flash of anger 
in their eyes. They saw the nervous, 
impatient hands that held the scythes 
and the picks and the hammers. They 
saw that the workers were ready to lose 
their lives not for war, but against war! 
And they capitulated! 

The government of Italy announced its 
neutrality. Despite its treaties with Ger- 
many and Austria — despite all its pre- 
vious promises and obligations, the mon- 
archy was forced to stand for peace. 

Had it decided to aid its allies, there 
would have been no government left to 
order the mobilization of the troops. 

The Italian Socialists determined to op- 
pose war .... and there zvas no 

Why could not the other Socialist par- 
ties of Europe do likewise? Their forces 
were better organized, better educated, 
better trained. 

In Germany one-third of the soldiery 
and one-half of the citizenship were So- 
cialists. They had the power. They had 
the opportunity. They could have saved 
the working class of the continent from 
butchery and death. 

Instead of expressing their manhood, 
instead of expressing their courage, in- 
stead of expressing their education, in- 
stead of expressing their hatred of capi- 
talism, like millions of sheep, they fol- 
lowed the tinkling, deluding bells of their 
insane leaders, and flocked into the 
armies, to slaughter and be slaughtered! 

It was not even necessary to have an 
armed revolution. A passive revolt would 
have been sufficient to paralyze the mili- 
tary machine and prevent war. 

Suppose, when the rulers commanded 
the workers to mobilize, they disobeyed. 
Suppose they did not take up arms, but 
simply remained in their homes. 

What would have happened? 

They would have been rounded up, 
court-martialed and shot. Granted! But 
how many would be killed? 2,000? 
5,000? 10,000? 20,000? 30,000? 50,000? 
Agreed! We will not dispute it. . . . 
But the military murderers could not 
have gone on indefinitely slaughtering 

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their own people. The capitalists could 
not continue butchering the rebels, while 
other capitalists, with their hordes, 
threatened their property and their 
profits. Their organization would be- 
come demoralized. Their government 
would break down and be powerless. 
They would have to stop slaughtering. 
They would be forced to conclude terms 
of peace with their commercial rivals. 
. . . And the lives of the masses would 
be preserved. There would be no weep- 
ing widows and no fatherless children; 
at least the number of such would be in- 
finitely reduced. 

Thousands of the workers would have 
perished, nobly and heroically, but mil- 
lions would have been saved! 

Some will deny this accusation hotly. 
Some will deride the idea of a people re- 
volting and winning. Some will say 
that the thought is abominable — that the 
sacrifice would have been horrible and 
useless, and the plan impractical, nay, 
the very height of folly! 

Then let us ask, What is practical? 
Joining the army and fighting for the in- 
terests of the master-class? Shouting 
brotherhood and assassinating solidarity? 
Upholding patriotism and annihilating 
internationalism ? Shooting hot lead into 
the throbbing bodies of your fellow- 
workers? Burning and destroying farms, 
homes and villages? Rushing like sheep 
into the shambles to butcher and be 
butchered? ... Is that practical? 

According to figures furnished by mili- 
tary statisticians, one out of every four 
men engaged in battle is either killed or 
wounded. Before this war is ended, every 
available worker will have been on the 
firing lines. It follows, then, that of the 
4,500,000 Socialists in Germany, over a 
million will be maimed or butchered be- 
fore peace is concluded. Four hundred 
thousand will be disabled or lose their 
lives in France. Four hundred thousand 
will be sacrificed in Austria, and count- 
less hundreds of thousands throughout 
Russia and the lesser states of Europe. 

Enormous armies of men will be rid- 
dled with bullets, stabbed with bayonets 
and mowed down with cannon. And the 
Socialists, the alleged saviors of human- 
ity, will have aided in accomplishing this 
horrible result. 

Not only have their representatives in 

the various parliaments voted the war 
budgets and agreed to the orders for 
mobilization, but they have issued re- 
peated appeals to the workers to be 
patriotic, to fight for their country, and 
repel the barbarous invaders. 

Vandervelde's explanation of the atti- 
tude of the different Socialist parties 
proves this assertion. 

The parliamentary leaders of England, 
with a few notable exceptions, including 
Hardie and Macdonald, have aligned 
themselves with the criminal capitalists, 
and have called upon the duped masses 
to help the ruling class get control of 
Germany's commerce. ' 

In France, the most violent anti-mili- 
tarists, the most prominent scholars, 
deputies, editors and orators, have lined 
up with the thieves who own and control 
the nation, and are calling upon the peo- 
ple to butcher their fellow-workers of 
Germany, and in that unhappy country 
the greatest and most powerful preach- 
ers of the social revolution, the staunch- 
est defenders of peace and humanity, not 
satisfied with urging their own blinded 
masses into the slaughter, are also trying 
to force other nations that desire to re- 
main neutral into the bloody conflict. 

Political Expediency 

There are some in our ranks who ex- 
cuse and defend the actions "of our Euro- 
pean comrades on the ground of political 

They assert that it would have been 
fatal to the continued existence of our 
political organizations if they had op- 
posed the war to the extent of revolu- 

It is impossible, shout these smooth- 
tongued apologists of political trickery, 
to stem the current of an excited public 

When war is declared and the entire 
mass is swayed by its harried emotions, 
when it is torn between fear, anger, dan- 
ger and death; when the newspapers, 
controlled by the government, are calling 
upon the people to defend themselves and 
their homes; when the horrors of the im- 
pending disaster are greatly exaggerated, 
creating a public sentiment favoring war 
as a method of self-protection, at such a 
time, they allege, it is extremely unwise 
to oppose the general feeling. It is then 

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the height of folly to attack the national- 
istic spirit that has been aroused. It 
means the political extinction of that 
party which stands against patriotism 
and war. Hence, argue these shallow 
sophists, the Socialists were forced into 
war to save the integrity of their political 

If this statement is true, then is the 
anarchistic contention also true, that all 
political parties (no matter how radical 
or opposed to existing governments) can 
be depended upon, at a crisis, to help 
protect and maintain the thieving, mur- 
derous rule of capitalism? 

If at a supreme moment, political 
action for the masses resolves itself into 
political action for the masters, it is 
about time Socialists gave up the idea of 
ushering in the co-operative common- 
mealth by means of political parties. 

But the explanation is not true, and the 
contention not logical. The prompt and" 
radical action of the Italian Socialist 
Party disproves it. 

If capitalism is to be overthrown po- 
litically, it must be done by political 
parties that use ballots as long as feas- 
ible, and bullets whenever necessary. 

• The End of Capitalism 

There are some Socialists who profess 
to believe that the present gigantic con- 
flict marks the end of the capitalist sys- 
tem of production and distribution. They 
imagine that Socialism is about to sweep 
over the earth and take its place. 

They will be bitterly mistaken. 

Capitalism is not dead yet. The war 
will merely determine which group of the 
ruling class will control the trade of the 
world and reap the huge profits there- 

The war will not end militarism ; it 
will only increase the pernicious effects 
of the system. 

The successful nation, or nations, will 
be forced to still further increase the size 
and strength of their armaments, in order 
to maintain the advantages they have se- 

The beaten nation, or rather their cap- 
italists, will also be forced, as a matter 
of self-protection, to enlarge their stand- 
ing armies and increase the number of 
their battleships, so that they may not 
be obliterated as commercial factors. 

They will simply be preparing for the 
next world conflict, which will most 
likely include the United States. 

Little can be expected from the So- 
cialist parties of Europe in their present 
state of patriotic hypnosis. Socialists 
here should be very careful in making 
predictions as to what the comrades of 
the Continent will do after the war is 

For they will do, and can do, abso- 
lutely nothing! 

They will have no arguments to advance 
against their respective governments, be- 
cause they have justified and supported the 
actions of their rulers. 

They cannot say that their own po- 
litical and industrial masses caused the 
war, and urge the people tp overthrow 
them, because they, themselves, have 
proclaimed the fact that not their govern- 
ments, but the political and industrial 
masses of other nations were the causing 
factors of the conflict. 

Our Lesson 

While the European Socialists are 
butchering one another for the benefit of 
the capitalists; while they are violating 
our cherished principles of solidarity and 
brotherhood, it is time that we here in 
the United States examine ourselves, 
consider our ideas and see where we 

If war is declared between Japan and 
the United States, as it will be declared 
some day on account of trade rivalries, 
what will our attitude be? 

Will we become patriotic? Will we 
call upon the workers to defend their 
country? Will we urge them to lay 
down their lives for the profit of their 
masters? Will we, on account of politi- 
cal expediency, or through fear of losing 
votes, line up with our murderous gov- 

Will we compromise principles and 
sacrifice our ideals? Will we permit 
military law to remain on our statute 
books? Will we allow ourselves to be 
forced into the army, and shoot our fel- 
low-workers when ordered? 

These questions are necessary. A de- 
cision must be made. There are a large 
number of Socialists here who would act 
exactly as the European comrades have 

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done, if the circumstances were the same. 
Is their attitude the attitude of the So- 
cialist Party of the United States? I 
would like to know. If it is, then all of 
us who believe in international solidarity 
must separate from all those who advo- 
cate nationalism and murder! 

If the Socialist party is not to betray 
the workers it must always stand opposed 
to capitalism and its governments. There 
can be no compromise or there will be 

Anti-patriotism, anti-militarism and 
anti-nationalism must become cardinal 
points in our propaganda for peace. We 

must work for the abolition of the army, 
the navy and the militia. 

We must not be cowards. We must 
prepare. We must take action! 

An armed citizenship is a free citizenship. 
We must be armed with knowledge. We 
must be armed with union. We must 
be armed with votes — and, when neces- 
sary, with guns ! We must not wait until 
the capitalists plunge us into the horrors 
of hell. We must organize the member- 
ship. We must strengthen our hearts 
with the spirit of international solidarity. 
We must stand ready. And when capi- 
talism declares war, we must declare the 
revolution ! 

Neo-Malthusianism in America 

DOZENS of letters have come to me 
since I wrote the letter in the 
March number of the Review inquiring 
about the preventives. When I wrote 
the letter I was in Europe and unfamiliar 
with Uncle Sam's laws on that subject. 
So I waited until I arrived in the United 
States in answering any of the letters. 
On reaching New York I found that a 
Dr. Elliot was in the penitentiary for an- 
swering two decoy letters on the very 
same subject. He got ten years, and a 
heavy fine for his goodness in answering 
a supposed poor woman that begged 
helplessly for the information. I had no 
means of knowing how many decoy let- 
ters were among my letters. I picked 
out a few of those that addressed me as 
"Comrade" and asked them to identify 
themselves either by their red cards or 
some other way, but none of them did so. 
I suspect that a great many detectives 
used the name "comrade" to catch me, 
which the real comrades had to suffer 
for, as they did not get an answer. I 
had no desire to go to the "pen" to give 
a few people the information. 

In the mean time Margaret Sanger of 
New York was in Europe at the same 
time, being a good rebel she looked up 
everything of interest to the workers, in- 
cluding Neo-Malthusianism. She hur- 
ried back to her native country, bound 
to inform the workers on this subject, 

and accordingly started the Woman 
Rebel, through which she began to edu- 
cate the women. She hoped to get up a 
strong sentiment in the favor of birth 
control among the workers throughout 
the nation, so that this foolish law, which 
no other civilized country has, would be- 
come obsolete, to enable the circulation 
of this knowledge. 

But the state and federal officers, 
while they are careless on many other 
lines about the enforcing of the laws, 
and often stand by the rich law-breakers 
to smite the workers, they are ever 
watchful when it comes to the real in- 
terest of the ruling class. And it is cer- 
tainly of vital importance for the em- 
ploying class to have plenty of workers- 
plenty to stand outside the factory door 
to beg for jobs. This is the most efficient 
club to keep down the workers that work 
and to keep them from organizing. 
Hence, here the state and federal laws 
must be rigidly enforced, while they 
don't care what happens to them in Colo- 
rado in the mines, where the Rockefeller 
interests can violate the laws every day. 
And the state and federal forces protect 
them, while they are doing it, when the 
miners strike to have the laws enforced 
that are passed in their interest. It all 
depends on who is who in the eye of the 

The United States could hardly show 

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its class favoritism any stronger than in 
this law passed for the suppression of 
this information, about eight years ago. 
The upper class women in the United 
States are notorious race suiciders, and 
have been for years. But when the 
upper class heard that the French work- 
ing class had become as well informed on 
the subject, as the upper classes, and 
that France suffered correspondingly for 
lack of child-workers and women work- 
ers in the factories, the American gov- 
ernmental machinery was immediately 
set in motion to come forth with laws 
that were rushed through by the vested 
tools that sit in congress. 

And the ever faithful and virtuous 
Roosevelt sailed out as an anti-race 
suicider. It suddenly became honorable 
to have large families, while the upper 
classes had openly jeered and pointed to 
the workers with large families as peo- 
ple — that breed like animals. Useless to 
say that the upper classes have refused 
the honor of bringing large families into 

the world. They are still race-suiciders, 
and get the information on preventive 
means through their doctors, nurses and 
druggists. Secretly they laugh at the 
law and the foolish workers, while the 
abortionists by hundreds ply their trade 
throughout the land, and incidentally fill 
the hospitals with their victims. 

All this while detectives followed 
Margaret Sanger about in New York and 
the court indicted her on three counts 
for the. crime of trying to inform people 
about the danger of abortion, and the 
crime of large families among the work- 
ers, etc. Now, Mrs. Sanger, who by the 
way has three lusty children of her own, 
is apt to get a year's sentence on each 
count. What have the workers to say to 
this? They ought to show their interest 
at least by subscribing for Mrs. Sanger's 
paper — The Woman Rebel, $1.00 per 
year, and by getting up Neo-Malthusian 
clubs and lectures. Margaret Sanger is 
a pioneer in a great cause. Address No. 
34 Post ave., New York City. 


v By James Morton 

ONE has only to walk down in the 
Lower East Side in New York, 
or down Halsted street in Chi- 
cago, or in the congested work- 
ing districts in any large city to be filled 
with wonder that no organization has 
seriously undertaken the propaganda of 
Fewer and Better Children for America. 

I am reminded of my friend, a painter, 
who married a lovely girl in the middle 
west and moved into a cozy cottage in 
the suburbs of a thriving city. Two years 
later he removed his wife and their year- 
old son to a flat "nearer the Loop." The 
next time I met him, I found he had 
stepped down another rung on the lad- 
der of comfort and was dwelling, with 
his wife, his son and his baby daughter, 
in a tiny flat close to the west side fac- 
tory district. 

And so it went. With the advent of 
each new baby my old friend moved his 
growing brood into smaller and dingier 
quarters, until when I last visited him, 

he and his wife and their seven children 
were existing in three small rooms, half 
of a six-room flat, which they shared 
with an equally impecunious member of 
the Building Trades, the demands of 
whose offspring had long since exceeded 
the elasticity of his weekly wage. 

Here are two glaring examples of the 
crime of having two many children. In 
both instances the weekly wage of the 
fathers was sufficient to bring up a 
family of one or two children in a modi- 
cum of comfort. The parents would have 
been able to send them to school, to live 
in tolerably healthful surroundings, to 
provide them with the simple necessities 
and comforts of life. In both cases the 
first two children born to these working 
class parents were normal and healthy. 
The third and fourth babies were born* 
before they had recovered from the strain 
of the first two. 

The fathers of these families were 
slightly in debt to doctors and nurses, 

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were anxious and worn with helping to 
care for the first children. The mothers 
were weak and anemic from nursing 
and child-bearing. The prospect of Baby 
Number Three was a most unwelcome 
one from the financial, hygienic and pa- 
rental point of view. Instead of moving 
to a home with better air, and sunshine, 
and more room, these two trade work- 
ers were compelled to rent smaller, less 
healthful and sanitary quarters. They 
were able to pay less rent as their fami- 
lies grew. They were forced to buy 
cheaper food, poorer clothing. Grim 
necessity prevented the purchase of the 
special infant's food the babies required. 

None of the babies that were born into 
these two working class families there- 
after were either normal or healthy. All 
were below normal in size, weight and 
powers of resistance to disease. Three 
died. After the birth of her third baby, 
the wife of my friend never actually re- 
covered to normal health and was never 
able to afford the medical care she 
needed for herself and her children. 

Actual want forced the parents in both 
families to take their eldest children from 
school and start them to work before 
they were twelve or thirteen years of age. 
Love, hope and all the things that go to 
make "home life" a beautiful thing were 
lost in the stern fight against pain and 
privation. Making-ends-meet sapped the 
last ounce of energy from fathers and 
mothers. Family courtesies and ameni- 
ties require a leisure, a poise and peace 
that nobody possessed or could possess 
in a year-long effort to make one dollar 
do the work of two. 

One man took to drink; one of the 
mothers died at the age of thirty-six in 
child-birth. All of the children are en- 
tering the battle of life with handicaps 
they will never be able to overcome in 
the struggle for existence. 

It seems to me that nobody can deny 
that the revolutionary labor movement 
undoubtedly lost three or four confessed 
rebels through the short-sightedness and 
ignorance of these young couples. 

We know, positively, that one young 
mother was lost at an early age in giving 
birth to her seventh child; that six chil- 
dren were thereby left without a moth- 
er's care; that the father endeavored to 

pay for their support in a public institu- 
tion but finally succumbed to despair 
through lack of steady employment, and 

Here was one family disrupted, broken 
up beyond all hope of mending through 
the old evil of Poverty. But even with 
the handicap of a seasonal occupation 
and intermittent idleness, it might still 
have maintained its integrity, have raised 
one or two children to become useful, 
militant soldiers in the revolution, if it 
had not been crushed beneath the weight 
of rearing too many children. 

Thousands of volumes have been writ- 
ten setting forth the rights of the chil- 
dren. We think it is high time some- 
body began to speak of the rights of the 
parents. Men and women are human be- 
ings too v Somebody has suffered to 
bring them into the world. Some one 
has struggled to feed and clothe and raise 
them to man and womanhood. There is 
ample work for each and every working- 
man and woman to do to support them- 
selves and to continue the work of So- 
cialism. We do not think it a work of 
social expediency or of social efficiency 
to produce children in large numbers 
when we have no assurance of what their 
future might be. 

Is it not time that we decided to cher- 
ish the revolutionary material we have 
ready to hand today in men and women 
rather than to sacrifice it to the produc- 
tion of uncertain material in the future? 

Let us have fewer children, healthful 
children, children who shall at least start 
in life free from disease and with a 
gambling chance to grow up into strong 
and intelligent men and women. 

Society in America guarantees abso- 
lutely nothing whatsoever to the children 
of the working class. To the children of 
the rich it is true we make iron-clad 
guarantee. We point with pride (?) to 
the army and navy, the police, the laws 
and the courts by way of assuring rich 
men and women that their property shall 
be protected and preserved for the bene- 
fit of their children. The children of the 
parents who work are promised neither 
food, clothing nor shelter. They are not 
even promised jobs and a chance to earn 
a living. Their parents are not even 
guaranteed steady work to enable them 

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to earn money for food, for clothing and 
for homes. 

Almost every social institution aids in 
the guarantee of property rights to the 
rich. Nothing is offered to would-be pa- 
rents in the working class. 

And what becomes of the children of 
those who possess no property and are 
therefore forced to labor in order to live? 

A large percentage of them die in in- 
fancy through lack of hygienic surround- 
ings, through lack of proper nourish- 
ment, fresh air and healthful homes, be- 
cause of lack of proper care or medical 
attention. Many struggle downward to 
man and womanhood, diseased, anemic, 
crippled, uneducated because of poverty. 

And what do these children become? 
Many thousands in America are annually 
forced into crime through lack of employ- 
ment. Still others are forced into the 
army, navy or into the police force. 
Hundreds of thousands of girls are 
forced into the ranks of prostitution 
every year. From whence come the 
recruits for the underworld? Do we find 
the wayward sons of the Astors or the 
Goulds or the Vanderbilts climbing 
porches or picking pockets to get enough 
money to buy food? Do we find them 
selling their bodies on the streets or be- 
coming food for cannon in the army? 
Everybody knows that we do not. They 
don't have to climb porches for money, 
or join the army in order to secure food. 
The law permits them to withhold a por- 
tion of the value which people who work 
for them produce; the police and the 
army stand ready to help defeat the chil- 
dren of the working class who dare to 
demand higher wages, a larger portion 
of the wealth they have created. 

The press, the pulpit, the laws, the 
army and navy, the courts and the col- 
leges stand as a unit in maintaining the 
privileges of the owning class, for the 
children of the property owners. They 
stand as a protecting barricade about the 
wealth of the rich, against the appeals 
and claims of the toilers of the earth. 

What does the United States govern- 
ment offer to the young married people 
who are bringing children into the 
world? Evidently it believes that the 
bearing and rearing of children are a 
social blessing for it has littered the 

statutes with laws declaring it to be il- 
legal for a man or a woman to impart 
knowledge that shall teach parents how 
to avoid having children. 

It seeks to make unrestricted child- 
bearing a necessity but it offers as a 
reward only the heaviest possible handi- 
cap to the poor who are unable to escape 
this necessity. It commands you to 
multiply and yet it drives the men and 
women who are out of work from one 
city to another in a mad desire to evade 
the burden of their support. 

"More children!" it cries while it per- 
mits whole families to perish from sheer 
wanton starvation. "More children!" it 
urges when hundreds of thousands of 
men and women face the coming of the 
winter nights without a place to sleep. 

Any reputable physician could tell you 
how to avoid having children. Nearly 
all physicians, of any standing among 
the medical profession, do so advise their 
rich clients. This advice is ready to hand 
for those who have the money to pur- 
chase it. Society has taken care to pro- 
vide a way for the rich to avoid the pain 
and trouble of child-bearing. Yet it is 
the rich alone who are in a position to- 
day to surround their children with 
healthful surroundings. It is the rich 
only who can protect the human young 
against all the diseases and disasters that 
are the heritage of the children of the 

It is time we refused to feed, clothe, 
house the world and populate it too. It 
is time we refused to bear the impossible 
handicap of more children than we can 
feed. It is about time we fook stock of 
ourselves and declined to produce 
diseased children. In other words, it 
would be a mighty good idea for us all 
to take a day off and do a little thinking. 

Let us set our faces against this ut- 
terly planless system of forcing helpless 
babies into an unfriendly world, and bur- 
dens upon the backs of the overburdened 
working class. Now is the time to force 
the light of publicity upon this question. 
It must be discussed. We must have 
healthy parents, healthy babies and 
healthful surroundings for all. 

Discussion and publicity and the in- 
terest of the working class is all we 
need. It is up to you and me to bring 
these questions to their attention. 

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Gogs In the German State Machine 

SOME Germans insist that Germany is 
the best regulated nation in the world. 
It was only after I had spent many 
years in the countries outside her 
borders that I discovered that she was per- 
haps the MOST regulated land on the globe. 

To those of us who are raised within her 
territory, Governmental regulations are 
doubtless less irksome than they are to 
peoples of other nations who encounter 
them only after they have grown accus- 
tomed to a degree of individual initiative 
and liberty unknown in the fatherland. 

To begin with, no Western country has 
nearly so many class distinctions as Ger- 
many. Everybody who IS anybody in 
Germany has a handle to his name. Only 
the manual laborer is deprived of a title of 
some kind. And the label he bears, or the 
labels the German wives and mothers bear, 
are a regular ballyhoo or verbal poster of 
their standing in the community. Any man 
can tell just where to place them as soon 
as he learns how people address them. 

The German laws require that every 
traveler who enters a hotel or a lodging 
house shall give his home address, his name, 
and standing as well as his occupation. 

Wives lay full claim to the titles of their 
husbands and Mrs. "Upper Director of the 
X" is infinitely above Mrs. "Second Direc- 
tor of the X." In every country we find 
distinctions in the army, navy and in the 
civil service.. But in Germany a wealthy 
factory owner may be known as a "royal, 
privy, commercial, councillor or appliance, 
factory proprietor." 

But nobody in all Germany ranks so high 
as the army officer. He occupies the first 
social position in the Empire. From their 
babyhood, ambitious fathers and mothers 
scrimp and save in order to marry off their 
daughters when they are of age to army 
officers. It is the highest point of distinc- 
tion to which they may hope to attain in 
Germany. But it requires a good sized 
dowry to capture such a prize in the matri- 
monial market. Parents will pay off any 
number of debts of an army officer to en- 
able their daughter to win him. 

The people of Germany are mere cogs 
in the German State Machine. Their lives 

are laid out for them by the Government 
to an extent not dreamed of in any other 

Education is compulsory between the 
ages of six and fourteen. Most children 
are sent to kindergartens at the age of four. 
If they are not in school at six, the Gov- 
ernment demands to know the reason why. 
At first the study hours are divided with 
eleven for German, four for arithmetic, one 
for singing and four for religion. Later 
six hours are spent in science and five in 
religion and four hours for mathematics. 
Without any doubt Germany possesses the 
finest technical schools in the world. 

Every German is brought up and edu- 
cated for a specific work in life that is 
chosen for him. He has no choice in the 
matter and all things are subsidized and 
diverted to attain that end. Nobody rises 
from chimney sweep or office boy to head 
of an establishment. Each child has a 
career of some kind chosen for him and 
when he is a man he is fitted for no other. 
There is no "working up" as there is in 
America. To get there one must have been 
prepared for, all through the early period 
of one's life. 

I fancy German state discipline would 
prove most onerous to the people in 
America, particularly to the working class, 
so many of whose activities are so restricted 
in Germany as to leave them no choice in 
regard to either their work, their homes or 
the disposal of their lives. 

The German government has its eye on 
you literally from the cradle to the grave. 
They have records of your birth, of your 
days spent in school, of what you are being 
fitted to become, of where and for whom 
and at what price, you have worked. 
Whether you are married or single. 
Whether you have paid all your bills, your 
landlord, etc., etc. 

No domestic servant can get any kind of 
a position except through the police. Each 
and all are required to make formal appli- 
cation at the office of certain municipal offi- 
cials. She must possess a little book which 
sets forth her name, where she was born, 
her age and a description of the individual 
as to color of hair, eyes, stature, and other 


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physical qualifications. Also this little book 
must tell when the person first went out to 
work with name and residence of employer, 
amount of wage* with the reason for leav- 
ing each household written by the mistress 
thereof — every statement authenticated by 
the police and the official stamp. 

When a maid servant is hired the mistress 
must register the fact with the term of 
employment. The book is then taken to 
the police and the new employment written 
in it. On each Monday the mistress must 
pay a five cent insurance stamp for the 
future of the servant. It assures her that 
if she lives to be over seventy years of age, 
has proved a good, obedient, humble, indus- 
trious and satisfactory servant she may 
hope to receive a pension of from $3.00 to 
$5.00 a month so that she may live in ease 
and affluence in her old age. 

An American traveler who was tramping 
through Europe with a German working- 
man was stopped in the fatherland by the 
police. His companion was requested to 
produce his little book-of-good-conduct. 
The official looked it over, referred to his 
own dictionary-of-working-folks, found the 
German worker had a good record (from 
the state and boss's standpoint) and per- 
mitted him to pass onward. 

You can't change your name (unless you 
are a woman and marry) and get a new 
job when you decide to dispense with the 
oppression of your old employer in Ger- 
many ; you can't move and elude the watch- 
ful eye of the German landlord by moving 
into the next county because you have to 
have an authenticated record of your whole 
past to show at the border, and to your next 
landlord and your next employer. If you 
are out of work for six months and try to 
run away from your debts, you find th 
German government greeting you face to 
face no matter where you go in the father- 
land, with its everlasting record of your 
treachery to blast your future until the bills 
have been paid. 

In Germany you dare not water your 
flowers except before four or five o'clock 
in the morning. Bedding may not be aired 
from front windows; bathing at night is 
prohibited, singing, whistling and shouting 
in the streets is forbidden. No humble 
walker is allowed to obstruct an automobile 
or a vehicle. You may play a piano only 
within restricted periods. You may not get 
a job, hire a servant, take a cab, or a street 
car or even change your address without 

the advice and permission and instruc- 
tions of the police. The police tell you 
which car and cab you may take and 
where you may dwell. 

Obviously the working class cannot be 
taxed for war measures in any country no 
matter what all the foolish economists and 
reformers may say on this subject. The 
workers produce the war machines, feed 
the armies (by the fruits of their labor) 
and give their lives in war time. But they 
DO NOT pay^ the money taxes of war. 
Anybody who understands Marx knows 

All the working class receives in any 
country is a bare living. If high war taxes 
are piled upon the backs of the workers 
(who are receiving only enough to live on) 
it is plain to be seen that the only way they 
can pay this tax is by getting higher wages 
from their employers. So that socialists 
should never be concerned about who is 
SUPPOSED to pay the war tax. They 
should only oppose ALL war tax, as they 
should oppose all war. 

And yet doubtless one of the reasons 
why there is less unemployment in Germany 
is owing to the militarism of the Kaiser. 
Perhaps ten per cent of the working popu- 
lation are always occupied in serving time 
in the army or in feeding, clothing, housing 
these men and in manufacturing the muni- 
tions of war. 

German workingmen and women have 
fewer amusements, less money to spend in 
pleasure and entertainment and far less 
leisure than the workers in any other coun- 
try. It is a common thing for men to be at 
work at seven in the morning and to re- 
main on the job until eight or nine o'clock 
at night. 

We used to boast over our thrifty ways 
in Germany. We could make a mark go 
farther than almost any other people on 
earth ; we could get more nourishment out 
of a pfennig than our neighbors over the 
borders. And so we worked long hours 
and reduced the cost of living until we were 
able to work for wages that would enable 
the German capitalist class to compete with 
capitalists all over the world. 

With its iron rule and its ever watchful 
eye, the Government has established com- 
pulsory savings banks. Married men are 
compelled to deposit five per cent of their 
wages and unmarried ones ten per cent, 
until they have saved the sum of $500. The 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 



government pays 6 per cent on these de- 
posits. The worker may not withdraw this 
$500 unless he is paying that sum on pur- 
chasing a home or furnishing one. 

And all these meddling or guiding fingers 
of the government tend to make of the 
German a model workingman, industrious, 
saving, economical, faithful, obedient. Per- 
haps when we consider how bound about 
he is with restrictions, with discipline, with 

precedents, when we consider how super- 
vised, superintended he is, how he is sub- 
sidized to the day of his death to the Ger- 
man State Machine, the wonder is that we 
have had any spirit of revolt in Germany 
at all. 

Perhaps we should ask not "why has the 
German socialist done so little?" but "how 
has he been able to accomplish ANY- 
THING at all?" 

TLe Land, tke MacLme and tLe Worker 


MANY years ago the process of 
farming was one that required 
real, hard, back-breaking toil. 
Then the horse was found useful ; 
soon men began making small imple- 
ments and finally the large machines 
gradually but surely began to take the 
place of men and simple tools, until at 
last one machine run by two men will 
produce the results of fifty working in 
the old way. 

But we workers still find oiirselves in 
a worse condition than we were in those 
old days when every man worked for 
himself and not for someone else. He 
realized that after a few years of toil he 
would have a borne of his own, but the 
worker of today — does he have any hope 
of a home, a little home to call his own ; 
and any future prospects? No; the man 
who works on the farm today is shifted 
about from pillar to post, when working ; 
his home consists of a barn and a heap 
of hay, and when the season is over he is 
shifted back to the city. Then he may 
be able to sleep in a chair in a saloon, 
when he is broke. His "family"? No, 
he can't afford to marry. What would a 
man do with a wife and family out in the 
wheat fields during the harvesting sea- 

In some of these places the men are 
paid from four to ten dollars a day, but 
what do they have left when their board 
is paid and the season is over? Where 
are they to go? Many large pieces of 
land are owned and controlled by pri- 
vate concerns, and as much as 10,000 
acres planted with apple and peach trees 
alone. We know that it would be impos- 
sible for the owner to consume all of the 
fruit. The only logical reason for own- 

ing the land is profits ; profit made off the 
labor and right over the head of the 
worker who produced it and should have 
the benefit instead of a paltry pittance 
while working*and no place to lay his 
head the rest of the year. 

How many little homes could be made 
of 10,000 acres of land! How many 
happy families could have plenty under 
such a condition! If they only had an 
acre apiece it would mean 10,000 less 
starving on the bread line. 

We hear a great deal about our beauti- 
ful farming countries, the wealth of the 
land, of its great prosperity and wonder- 
ful possibilities, but this does not mean 
the workers; it means prosperity for the 
owning class, who have all, and less for 
the workers who produce all and have 

Instead of boasting of its prosperity 
and wealth, the nations far and wide 
should be ashamed of the poverty and 
conditions of the workers. 

Poverty is not a necessary evil. There 
is plenty in the world for all. It is true 
that America is a wonderful country, but 
what good is there in tearing up Mother 
Earth and reaping from her soil a wealth 
of product if it is not used for the benefit 
of mankind instead of being stored away 
for profits? 

I am merely voicing the sentiments of 
thousands of workers. The knowledge of 
these facts is running like wildfire 
through the brains of the proletariat. 

The workers are beginning to see that 
the owning or capitalist class is grinding 
them down into an abyss of poverty, mis- 
ery and wretchedness and that unless 
they join their comrades in a fight for 
emancipation there is no hope for them. 

Digitized by 



The Russian Peril. — Even some of 
those who see in Prussian militarism a 
great obstacle to peace, have a lingering 
dread of a Russian Peril to freedom and 
democracy in case the German war ma- 
chine is crushed. And in support of their 
fears they point to the fact that the Czar 
and his bureaucrats rule unhindered 
today over nearly two hundred million 
Russians. Marx's economic determin- 
ism teaches us that these fears are 
groundless. There is a clear economic 
reason for the supremacy of the Czar. 
The mode of production by which nine- 
tenths of the Russians live today is that 
under which their ancestors lived two 
hundred years ago. Each farm village 
supplies its simple wants with simple 
tools in the simple fashion of the middle 
ages. Of the outside world the Russian 
peasant knows only what he is told by 
the officials and the priests of the czar. 
Small wonder that he obeys the czar un- 
questioningly. In the Russian cities it is 
different. The wage-workers in the bud- 
ding machine industry are sturdy and 
fearless rebels, who are controlled with 
increasing difficulty. But as yet their 
numbers are few. For this fact there is 
a definite historical reason. Russia is 
shut off from the world market by rival 
nations. Her Baltic ports are frozen 
nearly half the year. Her Black Sea ports 
can be made useless at any moment by 
the Turkish guns at Constantinople. The 
Russians had practically conquered the 
Turks in 1878, and had made a treaty 
providing for the free use of the straits, 
but threats of the other European na- 
tions, especially England and Austria, 
resulted in the Treaty of Berlin, which 
left the straits under Turkish control. 
A Russian victory today will doubtless 
mean a free outlet for Russian trade 
through the Black sea and the Darda- 
nelles. And this in turn will mean the 
swift development of Russia into an in- 
dustrial, capitalist nation like the United 

Give the Russian Wage-worker a 

Chance. For the last thirty years he has 
been the most heroic figure on the map 
of the world. Now, unless we are greatly 
mistaken, the most important effect of 
the Great War will be to bring him into 
his own. Russian industry can not stand 
still. With all its vast area, European 
Russia is becoming over-crowded; its 
peasants are hard put to it to make a 
living from the land by medieval meth- 
ods; modern methods will come with a 
rush when the smoke of battle clears 
away. And once they start, good-night 
for Czarism. The Russian wage-workers 
love liberty enough to die for it. Thus 
far their struggles have been fruitless be- 
cause they themselves were so few in 
number as to be easily crushed by the 
multitude of the czar's ignorant dupes. 
But modern machines can not be run by 
idiots. Economic necessity will quickly 
force the bureaucrats of Russia to edu- 
cate and train an industrial proletariat, 
which will surely prove the greatest 
revolutionary force of the near future. 

Too Much Discipline. We all run to 
extremes except a few mild philosophers 
who see too many truths at once to be 
able to argue powerfully for any one of 
them. The Germans, as Julius Caesar 
knew them, cared a great deal more for 
liberty than for discipline. This atti- 
tude they maintained steadfastly for 
hundreds of years, during which they 
developed magnificent qualities in nearly 
every field of endeavor except war, where 
they suffered century after century at the 
hands of nations more disciplined than 
themselves. Finally Prussia, an almost 
absolute military monarchy, conquered 
one little German state after another, 
and finally through the Austrian war of 
1866 and the French war of 1871 made 
its king the kaiser of the German Empire. 
Since then discipline has been the watch- 
word of the Germans. To it they have 
sacrificed nearly all the individual free- 
dom they ever had. On the surface, the 
results obtained seem dazzling to many 

Digitized by 




minds. The average man is thereby re- 
lieved of the need of thinking; he obeys 
his superior unquestioningly, and the 
superior is held responsible for results by 
some man higher up. At the top of the 
pyramid stands the kaiser, "und Gott." 
It is the absolutism of the dark ages car- 
ried over into the twentieth century. It 
has produced a war machine almost but 
we trust not quite strong enough to con- 
quer the -world. But in so doing it has 
made the army officer supreme over the 
enlisted man and the wage-worker alike. 
It is a terrible degeneracy, a reversion to 
the dominant type of the year 1,000. 

Discipline and the Revolution. Even 
those who call themselves revolutionists 
are infected by the discipline germ, both 

in Germany and among those Socialists 
of other countries who are fascinated by 
the seeming successes of the German 
movement. It is easy to follow "lead- 
ers;" it is pleasant to be a "leader." At 
first leaders and followers alike think 
they are pressing forward toward the 
Social Revolution. But presently the 
Party Machine, growing from day to day, 
becomes to the leaders an end in itself 
instead of a step toward the revolution. 
Anxiety for the immediate future of the 
Socialist Machine hushed the voices of 
the Socialists in the Reichstag when the 
issue was peace or war. Discipline held 
the rest of the German Socialists in line. 
That is why our enemies are laughing 
and we — are explaining. 

L3W£ J 




You can be a Socialist without reading CAPITAL, but you cannot talk 
or write about Socialism, nor hold your own in debates with old-party poli- 
ticians, without a clear understanding of the principles and theories wnich 
are explained in this book. 

Until a few years ago, only one volume could be had in the English 
language, and that in an inferior edition. Then this publishing house took 
hold and published the entire work in three magnificent volumes, strongly 
bound in library cloth, with gold stamping. 

YOLUMK I, entitled "TO* Pr BCMI off CaettsNst Production," Is practically complete In itself . It ex- 
plains the thing which, up to the time that Marx came on the scene, had confuted all the economists, namely. 
Surplus VolMO. It explains exactly how the capitalist extracts his profits. This Tolume might be called the 
keystone of the Socialist arch. 869 pages. S2.00. 

VOLUME II. "Tho Pr »C— off ClrewJstlen of Capital," explains the part that the merchant and the 
banker play in the present system, and the laws that govern social capital. Unroels knots in which previous 
writers had become entangled. 618 pages. S2.00. 

TOLUME III. in some respects the most Interesting of all. treats of "The PfOOO— of CepftsHst PfOdtJC- 
ductlon oo o Whole." Predicts the rioo of Trusts and makes clear the couae of panics sumI IiwIm*. 
trial crisos. Shows how the small capitalist is swallowed. Explains for all time the subjects of I 
and Forming. 1,048 pages. 92.00. 

We will mail either volume separately on receipt of price. Or for $6.00 we will send the 
three volumes by express prepaid, and will also send six cards each good for a yearly subscrip- 
tion to the International Socialist Review. These cards can easily be sold for $1.00 each, so that 
the sot of CAPITAL wiU cost yon NOTHING. Address 

Charles H. Kerr & Company, 118 W. Kinzie Street. Chicago 

Digitized by 



ike War, tke Socialists, and tke Future 

THE war is now in its third month. 
We have had time to review the 
forces which have . brought it 
about. We have had news from 
all the countries concerned in it. We 
can now estimate the motives and actions 
of the various groups. As Socialists and 
representatives of the working class we 
are chiefly interested in possible effects 
on our movement. Everywhere our 
comrades are asking questions. How 
will the labor movements of the various 
countries come out of it? What about 
the party organizations? And, above all, 
to what extent is the international move- 
ment injured? 

Even now we must, of course, be care- 
ful not to let our hopes or fears run away 
with our judgment. The thing to be 
guarded against in all such discussion is 
national prejudice or a bent in favor of 
some particular form of tactics. Already 
there has appeared in the discussions on 
this side of the water too much of a ten- 
dency to view this greatest event of the 
century from individual or narrow group 
points of view. If there was ever a time 
when it was necessary to look at men 
and things from the vantage ground of 
the sweep of history and the struggle of 
classes and nations round the world, this 
is such a time. 

But, after all necessary reservations 
are made, we must do our best to arrive 
at a clear understanding of the situation 
which now confronts us. First, what of 
the war and the social theories which 
we have been busily spreading over the 
world? Does this great cataclysm prove 
that we were wrong? In general we 
maintained that the very 
The War nature of capitalist produc- 
and tion demands commercial 

Socialist and industrial expansion. 
Theory This, we have held, forced 

what is called imperialism 
upon the governments of the great 
powers. And imperialism, we said, 

forces these powers to maintain great 
armaments. We constantly pointed out 
that the opposing interests of the great 
powers, heightened by the maintenance 
of armaments, threatened the world with 
a war of unprecedented horror. Then the 
war came. It was brought about by im- 
perialism. To be specific, it was started 
at this time because Austria tried to se- 
cure control of agricultural regions to 
the southwest. All the statements from 
German sources go to prove that Ger- 
many entered the struggle because her 
industry demands wider fields for ex- 
ploitation. There is absolutely no doubt 
about the main outlines of this' phase of 
the subject. 

Are we, then, forced to revise our 
theory? On the contrary, this thing that 
has happened is exactly what we have 
been prophesying for more than twenty 

In some quarters the Socialists are said 
to have failed in this great emergency. 
Even Socialists have said this. In one 
sense it is true. The Socialists did not 
stop the war. But no one had a right to 
expect them to do so. In all countries 
the Socialists are in the minority. In all 
countries except Germany they consti- 
tute a rather small minority. To be 
sure, the relation between 
The Socialists and the labor 

Socialist movement places them in a 
"Failure" different position from that 
occupied by the Quakers 
and the ordinary pacivists. The sting in 
the charge is due to the fact that we are 
growing and had some hope of doing 
more than we did. The simple fact is 
that we achieved rather less than we ex- 
pected to. But, as a working class com- 
rade put it to me the other day, the one 
to blame for this are those who have not 
become Socialists. And now what is 
there to do about it? The fact that we 
fell somewhat below expectations merely 
shows that expectations were too high. 


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We are like those western cities which 
are always overestimating their popula- 
tion before the census is taken. They 
never blame seventy-five thousand people 
for not being a hundred thousand. We 
are growing. The war shows us we are 
not yet ready to beat the forces of capi- 
talism. The only thing to do is to keep 
on growing till we are. The whole mat- 
ter is so simple that the wonder is that 
anyone should get excited over it. 

The really sore spot is the part played 
by the German Socialists. When the 
time came to vote on the war budget the 
Socialist group in the Reichstag went 
wrong. Of the 112 members of the group 
80 attended the caucus at 
The which this action was de- 

Germans termined upon. A strong 
minority was opposed to it. 
In various reports the size of this mi- 
nority has been given as 12, as 17, and 
as 38. I suspect that the smallest of 
these numbers is nearer the truth than 
the largest. But Karl Liebknecht be- 
longed to the minority, and Karl Kaut- 
sky, who was present, supported him. 
There is said to have been some very 
plain speaking on this occasion. The 
majority decided to support the budget 
and the group voted as a unit. The ad- 
dress which was made by the Socialist 
spokesman offered no adequate reason 
for this action. The world as a whole 
has taken it as an evidence of treason to 
Socialist principles. 

I wish I had an answer to make to 
the charge preferred against these Ger- 
man comrades. I have eagerly scanned 
Vonvaerts, Neue Zeit and Socialistsche 
Monatshefte in the hope of finding one. 
It is not to be found. The writers in 
these organs say frankly and with all 
possible emphasis that it was more im- 
portant to defend Germany against Rus- 
sia than to stand for the working class 
against capitalism. One writer says 
that the class struggle is suspended for 
the time being. Another says that Ger- 
many is the originator and representative 
of Socialism and that therefore, fighting 
for Germany is fighting for Socialism. 
The worst of it all is that these do not 
even represent themselves as having been 
h>rced into this terrible struggle against 
their French and Russian comrades. 

They glory in their march to the front. 

What we have to say about this mat- 
ter, then, must be addressed to German 
Socialists rather than to the outside 
world. We must say to them, calmly but 
quite firmly and clearly, that they have 
failed us; that for the present they are 
not acting as Socialists; that essentially 
the majority of them are not Socialists. 
I recognize the fact that they were ill- 
informed and misinformed at the time 
they made their terrible decision. But 
this was in part their own fault. They 
went to the Prime Minister for informa- 
tion and believed what he told them. Of 
course, this apparent simple-mindedness 
was not due to any lack of intelligence. 
These men were simply not enough dif- 
ferent from bourgeois people in their 
ways of thinking to act in accordance 
with the interests of the working class 
of the world during this time of tre- 
mendous stress. All that we American 
Socialists can say about this is that we 
are sorry. But all that the war has done 
in this quarter is to reveal to us a state 
of affairs which has existed for some time 
past. The discovery is perfectly clear. 
All that we have to do in relation to the 
things discovered is to guard against 
their continuation. The encouraging 
feature of the case is that Germans in 
this country have exhibited magnificent 
courage and intelligence in the difficult 
position in which they have been placed. 
The editorials in the V olksseitung and the 
Arbeiter Zeitung are clear and strong 
against the position taken by the Social- 
ist members of the Reichstag. 

The Socialists of Austria have acted 
exactly as did the Germans. But when 
we turn to other countries we see a dif- 
ferent sight. Our French and Belgian 
comrades opposed the war and still op- 
pose it. But their countries were at- 
tacked and they rushed to the defense. 
From neither a theoretical nor tactical 
point of view is this action open to ad- 
verse criticism. The Italian 
Socialists Socialists and labor union- 
of Other ists have vigorously and ef- 
Nations fectively opposed the par- 

ticipation of their nation in 
the great slaughter. The Russians, too, 
have done nobly. The tiny group in the 
Douma is always exposed to arrest. Its 

Digitized by 




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members constantly face death and exile. 
Under these circumstances their stand on 
the war was heroic. When the budget 
was to be voted on they made a simple 
and dignified declaration of the reasons 
for their opposition, and withdrew from 
the chamber. Their deed is among those 
which will never be forgotten by the 
working class of the world. 

And the position taken by the Socialist 
parties of England is just as clear and 
just as fine. The Labor Party .has in 
part been pulled into the current of na- 
tionalist sentiment. But the Labor Party 
never was Socialist and never pretended 
to be. The Socialists of England are not 
represented by it. As little are they rep- 
resented by those curiously erratic Eng- 
lish men of letters who have sometimes 
posed as Socialist leaders. English So- 
cialism speaks through the Independent 
Labor Party and the British Socialist 
Party. It speaks through Justice and the 
Labor Leader. And it speaks in tones 
calculated to fire with new 
No Treason faith and hope the heart of 
in England every internationalist. Space 
forbids many quotations or 
long ones. But I cannot resist the de- 
sire to mention in particular the mani- 
festo of the Independent Labor Party. 
It is a classic of its kind. It possesses 
the beauty of form which men can give 
to their speech only when they think 
clearly and under the stress of great emo- 
tion. After explaining the causes of the 
war and laying a rightful share of blame 
on the government of England, this 
manifesto continues: 

"We are told that international Social- 
ism is dead, that all our hopes and ideals 
are wrecked by the fire and pestilence of 
European war. It is not true. 

"Out of the darkness and the depth w< 
hail our working-class comrades of every 
land. Across the roar of guns we send 
sympathy and greeting to the German 
Socialists. They have labored unceas- 
ingly to promote good relations with 

Britain, as we have with Germany. They 
are no enemies of ours, but faithful 

"In forcing this appalling crime upon 
the nations, it is the rulers, the diplo- 
mats, the militarists who have sealed 
their doom. In tears and blood and bit- 
terness the greater Democracy will be 
born. With steadfast faith we greet the 
future; our cause is holy and imperish- 
able, and the labor of our hands has not 
been in vain. 

"Long live freedom and fraternity! 
Long live International Socialism !" 

In all the countries involved except 
England the labor movement has met the 
same fate as all other social enterprises. 
Under the terrific conditions brought on 
by modern warfare it is impossible to 
keep even the form of organization. 
When peace comes the process of re- 
building will be long and hard. This ap- 
plies, also, to the Socialist parties oL 
several countries. But the representa- 
tives of the Independent Labor Party 
spoke sober truth when 
The they said the International 

Future has not been shattered. 

When the next international 
congress meets it will bear the heaviest 
burden of duty ever borne by any So- 
cialist body. But it will be equal to its 
task. The events of the past three 
months have cleared our vision. Action 
in the future can be more definite, more 
certain, than it has been in the past. 
There may be changes in the form of 
organization. There may be a shifting 
of leadership from certain groups to cer- 
tain others. We may be sure, for ex- 
ample, that the representatives of Eng- 
land, America, Italy, and Russia will 
have more influence than in the past. 
Changes, of course, mean manifold diffi- 
culties and dangers. But we shall have 
to guide us all that we have seen with 
such appalling clearness in the lurid light 
of recent events. 

Digitized by 



Reducing the Cost of Living, by Scott Nearing, 
Ph.D., and Why the Dollar Is Shrinking, by 
Irving Fisher, Professor of Political Econ- 
omy of Yale University. Published by Mac- 
millan Company, New York. Both $1.25 

It is of great interest to be able to review 
two volumes on the shrinking dollar at the 
same time by two such notable professional 
authorities treated, as are these, in such a 
diverse way. Dr. Nearing starts at the founda- 
tion of economics with the premise, that the 
value of commodities is determined by the 
necessary social labor contained in them. 
Prof. Fisher works from the superstructure of 
finance and monetary systems, declaring (page 5) 
that "the value of any given amount of wealth is 
simply its price multiplied by its quantity." 
Readers of the Review will readily understand 
what a comfortable theory Dr. Fisher there- 
fore offers to the capitalist class, and what 
uncomfortable problems he brings to the at- 
tention of the real student of economics. 
Having a true understanding of the value of 
commodities, Dr. Nearing renders a clear 
analysis of the causes of rising prices. The 
commodity gold, he says, has decreased in 
value owing to new methods of production 
that require less labor power to produce it. 
Therefore, since its value has decreased, it 
exchanges for fewer commodities in those 
fields where old methods of production still 
prevail. Dr. Nearing points out that the 
prices of farm products have risen more than 
commodities in many other fields and agrees 
with Marx that in any industry where primi- 
tive methods predominate commodities tend 
to exchange a little BELOW their value, while 
in industries where the most modern machin- 
ery is used, commodities tend to exchange a 
little ABOVE their value, although the mone- 
tary prices of the commodities in these widely 
separated fields may be what we call "high" 
and "low." Improved farm production, the 
utilization of waste land and modern machine 
methods, Dr. Nearing believes, will reduce 
both the value and the prices of farm products 
and food. This is one of the reformistic 
planks of his economic platform; but he 
rounds out his very interesting volume by 
declaring that when the working class receive 
"what thev EARN" the problem of "high 
prices" will have been solved. A clear, logical, 
and helpful book, full of valuable statistics 
and scientific conclusions. 

Prof. Fisher, on the other hand, maintains 
that the price level depends on (1) the 
QUANTITY^ of money in circulation; (2) its 
velocity of circulation and (3) the volume of 
trade bought by money. For example (pages 
39-40) he says "a doubling in the velocity of 
circulation of money will double the price 

level." And an increase in the production of 
gold (according to his theory) will decrease 
prices. Nowhere does he get down to funda- 
mentals far enough to present a practical 
working economic basis. Value is price and 
price is value, according to him. An increase 
in commodities decreases their price and their 
value. He makes no mention of the labor in- 
volved or the machine method used in their 
production. Thus he runs around in futile 
circles and gets nowhere. But it is impossible 
for anybody to explain the economics of cap- 
italist society by stumbling about in the super- 
structure of finance and monetary systems. 
The further you read in Dr. Fisher's volume 
the more at sea will you both find yourselves. 
Avoid Why the Dollar Is Shrinking and buy 
Reducing the Cost of Living by Scott Nearing 

The Elements of Socialism. By John Spargo 
and George Louis Arner, Ph. D., Instructor 
of Economics at Dartmouth College. New 
York: The Macmillan Company. $1.50 net. 
This joint work of Spargo and Dr. Arner 
would much better have been done by one or 
the other of them, since it contains two salient 
trends of thought wholly incompatible one with 
the other. Very evidently it is to Dr. Arner 
that we owe the lucid interpretation of the 
Marx theory of value, the acceptance of which 
utterly precludes the possibility of those re- 
formistic tactics elsewhere eulogized in the 
work. Here we have the amazing spectacle of 
one author simply and with scientific accuracy 
setting forth the theories of Marx and another 
author summing up the achievements of the 
Socialist parties of the various countries and 
labeling those "Marxian" which are, perhaps, 
farthest from the tactics of the great revolu- 

No man who has assimilated Marx's state- 
ment that under capitalist society labor 
power is merely a commodity bought and sold 
on the open market, can have any hope in the 
efficacy of co-operative purchasing societies. 
He must know that to reduce prices and the 
cost of living for any considerable portion of 
the working class must necessarily mean a 
corresponding slump in the price (or wage) 
of labor power. 

If we wanted to hazard a guess, we would 
say that we here have Dr. Arner advocating 
revolutionary Marxian theories and Spargo 
endorsing reformistic tactics and calling them 
"Marxian," as he has often done in the past. 
Taken as a whole, the Elements of Socialism 
would have been a more satisfying piece of 
work if at least one of the authors, or perhaps 
both of them, had assimilated Marx's theories 
laid down therein, and applied them more 
logically when dealing with practical tactics. 


Digitized by 



Over 1,500 New Readers— The Review Reds 
rounded up a good big bunch of new readers 
to the FIGHTING MAGAZINE during the 
past 30 days. This does not include the 
straight yearly subscriptions nor subscriptions 
received with combination book offers, which 
run up to nearly another thousand. 

Bundle orders are continuing heavy, many 
locals and comrades sending in orders for 
second and third bundles and it now looks as 
if the entire October edition will be sold out 
before the November number is off the press. 

For 15 years the Review has been on the job 
and it has always stood for Revolutionary So- 
cialism and for the past six years it has un- 
compromisingly stood for Industrial Union- 
ism. If you stand for what the Review stands 
for, we want your support on the circulation 
end. The following list of rebels have "shown" 
us that they are on the job and we want you 
to wake up and get busy on your end of the 
line by getting some new readers for the only 
working class magazine in this country. Come 
on and show us what you can do. 

During the next 60 days we will continue to 
send the Review three months to ten wage 
slaves for $1.00 and there is not a slave you 
know of who cannot afford to dig up a dime 
for three copies of the Review. Show us your 
Red Streak by sending in a list of at least ten, 
as this offer will positively be withdrawn at 
that time. 

Johnston, Dinuba, Calif 2 

Miller, Jerome, Ariz 41 

Pitman, Courtland, Ariz 10 

Latshaw, Brinsmade, N. D 10 

Maurer, N. Yakima, Wash 10 

Nunes, Denver, Colo 10 

Allen, Waterloo, Iowa 10 

Benson, Stroud, Okla 19 

Davidson, Kansas City, Mo 32 

Foster, Spokane, Wash 23 

Uren, Butte, Mont 21 

Baker, Fulton, 111 11 

Sather, Clear Lake, Wis 10 

Merrill, Tacoma, Wash 17 

Ambuhl, Spirit Lake, Idaho 20 

Strasdin, Minneapolis, Minn 10 

Lavinder, Hansford, W. Va 14 

Bottorff, Westgate, Calif 10 

Greenberg, The Dalles, Ore 24 

Cederquist, Everett, Wash 10 

Smith, McAlester, Okla 10 

Goree, Knox City, Texas 10 

Feinsod, Springfield, Mass 10 

Curtis, Riverside. Calif 10 

Moser, Nevis, Minn 10 

Nussbaum, Bucyrus, Ohio 10 

Millikin, Lawrence, Mass 10 

Longerich, Indianapolis, Ind 10 

Schwartz, Louisville, Ky 10 

Jackson, Endicott, N. Y 10 

Beebe, Los Angeles, Calif 10 

Chapman, Portland, Me 10 

Hanshaw, San Dimas, Calif 21 

Oftedahl, Spokane, Wash 20 

Lietdke, New York, N. Y 10 

Whitmas, Portland, Ore 11 

Jesperson, Arlington, Wash 14 

Landrum, Pacific Grove, Cal 12 

Martin, Troy, Mont 10 

Kelber, Ludlow, S. D 18 

Olson, Seattle, Wash 10 

Gerber, Webb City, Mo 14 

Herman, Seattle, Wash 10 

Malaguti, E. Bridgewater, Mass 11 

Swartz, McKeesport, Pa 10 

Marston, Neah Bay, Wash 10 

Stipeck, Joplin, Mont 11 

Green, Los Gatos, Calif 10 

Strohmeier, Aberdeen, S. D 10 

Hastings, Davenport, la 22 

McNett, Toledo, Ohio 10 

Kronholm, Bryant, Wash 12 

Ellis, Whitmore, Calif 12 

Turano, Reno, Nev 3 

Farris, Deer Park, Wash 18 

Petree, Rochester, N. Y 11 

Mortenson, Rockford, 111 10 

Clifford, Northville, Mich 10 

Logan, Akron, Ohio 10 

Pearson, Rochester, N. Y 10 

Long, Pearl, 111 10 

Looney, Ennis, Texas 10 

Rock, New Paris, Ind 11 

Fisher, Parsons, Kans 15 

Sentz, Pittsburgh, Pa .- 16 

Erickson, Marion, Ohio 10 

Harris, Eveleth, Minn 28 

Kajka, Freeport, 111 12 

Connery, Kewanee, 111 10 

Olson, Twin Falls, Idaho 15 

May, Springfield, 111 10 

Ploeger, Pittsburgh, Pa 17 

Jones, Longmradow, Mass 10 

Tymcio, San Francisco, Calif 10 

Gentle, Hoboken, N. J 10 

Sidwell, Midvale, Idaho 10 

Greenberg, Devils Lake, N. D 5 

Melville, Pt. Richmond, Calif 32 

Kidwell, Jackson, Mich 19 

Sulem, Rialto, Calif 19 

Ilarting, Tiger, Wash 10 

Paul, Dayton, Ohio 12 

Shoeggl, Winlok, Wash 1.5 

Sybert, Fredell, Pa 15 

Godman, Eugene, Ore io 

Anderson. Minneapolis, Minn 10 

Dresch, Grove City, Pa 10 

Nelson, Cleveland, Ohio io 

Robboy, Cleveland, Ohio . : 5 

Larson, San Francisco, Calif 6 

Mikko, Laurium, Mich 3 

The Rebel, Hallettsville, Tex 4 


Digitized by LjOOQIC 



Johnson, Hamilton, Ohio 13 

Marler, Hinestone, La 10 

Thomas, Plymouth, Pa 10 

Schicher, Burnett, Wash 10 

Shulz, Foxcrqft, Me 10 

Paxton, Sawtelle, Calif 11 

Hurd, Simpson, Nev 10 

McKagney, Wilmington, Del 10 

McClure, Graford, Tex 10 

Scheifler, Marion, Ohio 10 

Hilleary, Ruby, Alaska 10 

Trapp, Hemet, Calif 10 

Sager, Anacortes, Wash 15 

Keil, Fairbanks, Alaska 8 

Evers, New York City 10 

Southard, Jacksonville, Ohio 12 

Hackleman, Indianapolis, Ind 10 

Thierry, Roanoke, Va 17 

Olsen, Boyds, Wash 10 

Pierce, St. Marys, Ohio 10 

Uetz, Des Moines, la 13 

Yale, Memphis, Tenn 10 

Adams, De Queene, Ark 10 

Brady, Bellingham, Wash 11 

Wilson, Minneapolis, Minn 10 

Malaguti, East Bridgewater, Mass 10 

Mailman, Brooklyn, N. Y 8 

Hedlund, Nevis, Minn 22 

Miller, Painesville, Ohio 44 

Clinton, Cushing, Okla 10 

Total 1.516 

From Elk Lake, Canada. — "Enclosed find 
money order for a bundle of October Reviews. 
September number received and it is just the 
ammunition we want. Put us down for a 
regular monthly bundle order of 12 copies to 
start with. 

"Times are very bad up here. Timber com- 
panies are paying from eighteen to twenty-six 
dollars. a month in the camps, while the aver- 
age wage in the mines, which have closed, was 
$3.00 a day.— Sec, Local 338, S. D. P. of C." 

From Shamokin, Pa. — "We had 40 copies of 
the September number to sell at three meet- 
ings held September 5th, 6th .and 7th by Com- 
rade Mrs. Guy H. Lockwood of Kalamazoo, 
Mich. At the first meeting Comrade Lock- 
wood demonstrated to the comrades how easy 
it was to sell the Review by selling 33 copies 
herself. She then called me a Henry Dubb 
for not ordering 100 instead of 40. She was 
right."— C. H. C. 

Successful Meetings. — Word comes from 
Canada that Comrade Grace Silver is holding 
splendid propaganda meetings throughout 
Ontario. One hundred and twenty-two Octo- 
ber Reviews were sold at one street meeting 
in Berlin, which makes 500 Reviews the Cana- 
dian comrades have sold at her first eleven 
meetings in Ontario. 

Comrade Silver always delivers clean cut. 
class struggle talks with no reform frills. 
She expects to work in Canada until Decem- 
ber 15, after which time she will go to New- 
England for two weeks, returning through 
Manitoba and Saskatchewan in January. 


Six Easy Ways 
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A Socialist College— The Work Peoples' 
College, located at Smithville, Minnesota, 
begins its eighth year on October 5th with 
prospects for an increased enrollment. This 
college has a unique place in the Socialist 
movement, being the only institution of its 
kind owned and managed by Socialists. It 
has grown rapidly in number of students and 
in financial strength until its property is 
valued at $60,000. There are two large four- 
story buildings and a gymnasium, large as- 
sembly hall, offices for the management and 
the instructors, library and reading room, with 
a commodious kitchen and dining room in 
the basement. 

Comrade T. E. Latimer, for the past three 
years state secretary of Minnesota, has resigned 
to take charge of the English department. 

This year a number of new courses are be- 
ing added and the prospectus which has just 
been issued announces courses as follows: 
Three Courses in English Language; Compo- 
sition and Rhetoric; Literature; Public Speak- 
ing; Economic Theory and Socialism; Modern 
Labor Movement; Economic History of Eu- 
rope; Economic History of the United States, 
and Modern Government and Politics. 

The school term is eight months in length, 
divided into two terms of four months each. 
The tuition is six dollars per month. Any- 
one interested in such a school should write 
to the college for a prospectus. 

From Comrade Cline. — We are in receipt of 
a letter from Comrade Chas. Cline, who is 
now in the county jail at San Antonio, Tex., 
and whose case will come up for trial very 
shortly. Comrade Cline advises us that he 
is doing some good reading on the inside 
and asks us to thank our readers and all those 
who have helped in the Rangel-Cline defense. 
We hope by the time this is printed that our 
comrades will be at liberty again. 

Pancner Still in the Pen. — John Pancner, 
who was railroaded to the pen in August, is 
still behind the stone walls, and the defense 
committee is on the job raising funds to se- 
cure an appeal. 

He is a national organizer for the I. W. W., 
and was convicted by a jury in Tonopah, 
Nevada, for the crime of assault with a deadly 
weapon with intent to kill, and was sentenced 
to no less than one year or more than 18 
months. He was convicted on the flimsiest 
kind of contradictory testimony. 

The facts are that a gang of scabs entered 
the union hall for the purpose of wrecking it. 
It was also on their program to beat Pancher 
up and run him out of town. He protected 
himself by shooting one scab in the leg. The 
rest of the gang beat it. For this crime he 
has been railroaded to the pen. 

We trust Review readers will co-operate 
with the defense committee by sending their 
spare dimes, quarters and dollars to Comrade 
Minnie Abbott, Box 876, Tonopah, Nevada, 
who is treasurer of the Defense committee. 
It is our duty as revolutionists to stand by 
every fellow worker who is on the firing line. 

$300 in 30 Days! 

Made by one Robinson salesman. You — yourself — can 
positively make $60 and expenses every week. I want men 
like you, hustling, energetic, ambitious fellows, anxious to 
make money, who are willing to work with me. Not for 
me, but with me. I want you to advertise, sell and ap- 
point local agents for the biggest, most sensational seller in 
SO year s-the ROBINSON FOLDING BATH TUB. Here's an 
absolutely new invention that has taken the entire country 
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as an umbrella. Self-emptying and positively unleakable. 
Absolutely guaranteed for 5 years. Hustlers, east, north, 
west, south,— coining money. Orders, orders, everywhere. 
Badly wanted, eagerly bought, for remember, fully 70% of 
homes have no bathrooms. Immense profits for you. Two 
sales a day mean $300 a month. Here's proof — red proof. 
Breeze, of Idaho, made $400 profit in 30 days. A. Bemider, Kan- 
sas, made $30 in four hours. Hamliotonof Wyo., made $60 first two 
days. Hundreds like that. Pleasant, permanent, fascinating work. 
This is not idle talk. Make me prove it. Write a postcard. Let 
me write you a lone letter. Then decide. No experience needed, no 
capital. Your credit is good if you mean business. But you must 
be ambitious, you must want to make money. That'i ail. Write 
a postcard now. I want to pay you sixty dollars every week. 


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Digitized by 




Carl Person Freed. — Review readers will be 
glad to learn that the attempt of the Illinois 
Central R. R. to hang Carl Person has failed. 
The jury, after being out a few hours, returned 
a verdict of not guilty. His offense consisting 
of shooting one of the compay's thugs in 
self-defense. He has been indicted on other 
charges, and the Review will keep its readers 
posted on the cases as they come up. 

Liked Mary Marcy's Article — "Permit me to 
thank you for your Comrade Marcy's in the 
Review, 'Organize With the Unemployed!' It 
is the best one that has appeared in the Review 
for a long time. I read the article by Eugene 
V. Debs; I cannot agree with such advice. 
The article I refer to is, 'The Gunmen and the 
Miners.' My opinion is, that if Mr. Debs had 
been hunted in the hills of Colorado like a 
wild animal, he would have another answer 
to give to his fellow workers. Instead of guns 
he would have advised solidarity of the work- 
ing class. If the workers in England, by the 
power of solidarity, can bring the government 
down on its knees, there is no reason why 
the miners in this or any other country could 
not do the same. Mary Marcy's article will 
do more good than all the dope the wind ped- 
dlers have scooped out in the years gone by. 
If the Germans had spent their time and en- 
ergy on educating and organizing themselves 
in one big revolutionary labor union, they 
could, today, have had the power to stop the 
wholesale murder now going on in Europe." 
—J. Hall, Oregon. 

Eden Texas on War. — The following resolu- 
tion has been passed by the Socialist Local 
and sent us by Ernest Savage, editor of the 
Eden Echo, a lively Socialist paper published 
at that point: Resolved, that we, as Social- 
ists, believe the present war In Europe un- 
called for and an everlasting detriment to the 
world, and hereby enter our protest to its 
continuance and to that end submit the fol- 
lowing resolutions: 

Resolved, that we are opposed to wars and 
will ever use our influence to prevent them if pos- 
sible. That this war is depopulating the coun- 
tries in which strife is going on of the bone 
and sinew of the races concerned, many of 
whom are Socialists and forced to participate 
through the prevailing powers. 

Resolved, that we urge all Socialists in this 
country to petition those in authority to bring 
the war to a close without unnecessary delay. 

Resolved, that we send a request to Presi- 
dent Wilson asking him to place an embargo 
on all food products for European countries 
with a view to ending the war by depriving 
the combatants of sustenance so far as the 
United States are concerned. — (Signed) G. L. 
Smith, secretary. 

What U tho Revolutionists' attitude towards 

man's answer to thii question sincerely and eloquently 

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Can't Get Along Without It — Comrade Jen- 
nie McGehe of Ft. Collins, Colorado, writes: 
"Enclosed find stamps to pay for the last three 
numbers of the Review. I have been buying 
it each month at the news stand here, but 
have been away and unable to obtain them. 
I can't get along without the International 
Socialist Review — the best Socialist magazine 

Michigan for Solidarity. — The following is 
the new platform of the S. P. of Michigan. 
We take pleasure in congratulating the com- 
rades for the working class character of their 
demands and principles: 

We, the Socialist party of the state of 
Michigan, in convention assembled at Lansing 
on September 28, 1914, declare our allegiance 
to the international program of Socialism. 

We declare that the capitalist system has 
outgrown its historical function, and has be- 
come utterly incapable of meeting the prob- 
lems now confronting society. 

In spite of the multiplication of labor-sav- 
ing machinery and improved methods of in- 
dustry which cheapen the cost of production, 
the share of the producers grows ever propor- 
tionately less as the prices of necessities of 
life steadily increase. The boasted prosperity 
of this nation is for the owners of the tools 
of production and distribution. To the rest it 
means greater hardship and misery. Wage- 
workers have seen the purchasing power of 
their wages decrease until life has become a 
desperate battle for mere existence. 

It is the capitalist system that is responsible 
for the increasing burden of armaments, wars, 
poverty, slums, child labor, crime, much of 
the insanity, disease, and all commercialized 

The working class, which includes all those 
who work for a living, whether by hand or 
brain, in shop, mine or on the soil, vastly out- 
numbers the capitalist class. Lacking effec- 
tive organization and class solidarity, this class 
is unable to force its will. With class soli- 
darity on the economic and political fields, 
exemplified by one big industrial union and 
one big political party, the workers will have 
the power to make all laws and control all 
industry for their own welfare. 

The Socialist party appreciates the full sig- 
nificance of class organization and urges the 
wage earners, the working farmers, and all 
other useful workers to organize for eco- 
nomic and political action and unite with us 
on the following one-plank platform: 

We demand the socialization and democratic 
management of the means of production and 

Missed the Review. — Comrade Erickson of 
Ft. Dodge, Iowa, writes: "Please find $1.00 
enclosed for another year, as I found myself 
so lonesome without the Review I had to dig 

For Fifteen Years.— -"Enclosed find $1.00 for 
one year's subscription. We have been sub- 
scribers since the first sample copies reached 
us fifteen years or so ago and this is the first 
time we let it lapse. Yours as ever for the 
cause. — Anna L. O^dcn." 

The Intercollegiate Socialist 

(Qurtirty MapziM if Striata) 

Symposium: The European Wat 
Excellent Book Reviews. 
Reply to Professor Emery's Objections to 
Other features. 

Among Contributors to Current Issue arc: 

Charles Zueblin, Upton Sinclair, Frank Bohn, 
Jessie W. Hughan, Ph. D., Dr. I. M. Rubi- 
now, William English Walling, Caro Lloyd, 
Edwin A. Field, Lewis Mayers, Juliet S. 
Poyntz, P. A. Levene, Harry W. Laidler. 

Sitscriatiti 25c, Sitfk Ctpy 10c, 15 Caaits %\ 

Intercollegiate Socialist Society 

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From David Goldstein. — The following post 
card was received at this office from David 
Goldstein, the famous Catholic speaker, against 
Socialism. "The Communists are reproached 
with desiring to abolish countries and nation- 
alities. The working men have no country." 
(From the Communist Manifesto.) And then 
he adds: "I see the 'comrades' of France and 
Germany are killing each other. What for?" 

Tailors' Industrial Union. — (International.) 
We are glad to see the announcement that 
the Journeymen Tailors' Union of America 
has changed its name to the Tailors' Indus- 
trial Union (International) by referendum 
vote. We have word from the general execu- 
tive board that this organization, realizing that 
in isolation lies weakness has decided to ad- 
mit to membership all workers, male or fe- 
male, working in all branches of the tailoring 
industry. The comrades say that the new 
union does not seek to claim jurisdiction over 
other unions but means to persistently advo- 
vate and work for the amalgamation of the 
clothing workrs' unions into one big, powerful 
organization. While this work is going on 
they will admit all who may desire to join 
such an organization as theirs. 

Industrial changes, concentration of indus- 
try, overlapping of jurisdiction and organized 
scabbery has forced the issue which culmi- 
nated in this effort on the part of the tailors. 
In the circular sent out they say, "We, the 
working class, must combine our efforts and 
forces in one organization. We must have a 
fighting organization. We ask that you de- 
mand our label everywhere. Organize a 
branch of our international union in your com- 
munity." The new union is affiliated with the 
A. F. of L. Judging from the splendid work 
these comrades have been doing in the past 
few years, we believe they are destined to 
big things. The name of comrade E. J. Brais 
as general secretary at the end of this an- 
nouncement will still further inspire confi- 
dence among the tailoring industry. 

Free Speech Victory. — The Socialists of Lin- 
coln, Neb., and Comrade Charles Devlin, 
known as the one-legged globe cyclist from 
Waco, Texas, have won a big free speech vic- 
tory against the reactionary politicians in 
Lincoln. Dare Devil started on his tour 
around the world on foot two years ago and 
is now on the last lap of his journey. Com- 
rade Devlin has been arrested several times 
at different places for speaking on street cor- 
ners. The Lincoln Socialists declared they 
would make a test case of the Devlin case and 
would back him up in any fight until the 
streets were open to Socialist speakers. Dev- 
lin's meeting was broken up by the police 
and he was arrested on a change of blockad- 
ing the streets. Five citizens swore the streets 
were not blocked and five policemen swore 
they were blocked, so the judge gave Devlin a 
$1.00 fine and costs. The Socialists appealed 
the case. Then a great mass meeting was 
held demanding the right to hold meetings 
and the city politicians found they were be- 
coming most unpopular. The Commissioners 
decided to permit any Socialist or I. W. W. 

speakers to speak on the streets thereafter. 
They even went so far as to tell them they 
could speak from the steps of the City Hall. 
We congratulate the boys in Lincoln. Thev 
called the bluff and now have the privilege 
of educating the workers from every corner 
in the city. 

Statement of the Ownership, management, 
circulation, etc., required by the act of August 
24, 1912, of The International Socialist Review, 
published monthly at Chicago, Illinois, for Oc- 
tober 1, 1914. Editor, Charles H. Kerr, 118 W. 
Kinzie street, Chicago; managing editor, Mary 
E. Marcy, 118 W. Kinzie street, Chicago; busi- 
ness manager, Leslie H. Marcy, 118 W. Kin- 
zie street, Chicago; publisher, Charles H. Kerr 
& Company, Incorporated, 118 W. Kinzie 
street, Chicago. Owners: (If a corporation, 
give its name and the names and addresses of 
stockholders holding 1 per cent or more of to- 
tal amount of stock. If not a corporation, give 
names and addresses of individual owners.) 
Charles H. Kerr. (All others own less than 
1 per cent each.) Known bondholders, mort- 
gagees and other security holders, holding 1 
per cent or more of total amount of bonds, 
mortgages, or other securities: None. 

Charles H. Kerr, Editor. 

Sworn to and subscribed before me this thir- 
tieth day of September, 1914. 

(Seal) Michael J. O'Malley, Notary Public. 

(My commission expires March 8, 1916.) 

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Socialism for Students, by Joseph E. Cohen. 

Socialism, Its Growth and Outcome, by Wil- 
liam Morris and Ernest Belfort Bax. 

The Class Struggle, by Karl Kautsky. 

The Communist Manifesto, by Marx and En- 
gels; also No Compromise, by Wilhelm 

Socialism, Utopian and Scientific, by Fred- 
erick Engels. 

The Social Revolution, by Karl Kautsky. 

The Right to Be Lazy and Other Studies, by 
Paul Lafargue. 

Evolution, Social and Organic, by Arthur M. 

The Evolution of Property, by Paul Lafargue. 

Class Struggles in America, by A. M. Simons. 

The Origin of the Family, Private Property 
and the State, by Frederick Engels. 

Value, Price and Profit, by Karl Marx. 

The World's Revolutions, by Ernest Unter- 

The Evolution of Man, by Wilhelm Boelsche, 

The Positive School of Criminology, by En- 
rico Ferri. 

Puritanism, by Clarence Meily. 

Ethics and the Materialist Conception of 
History, by Karl Kautsky. 

The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bona- 
parte, by Karl Marx, 

The Militant Proletariat, by Austin Lewis. 

The High Cost of Living, by Karl Kautsky. 

Vital Problems in Social Evolution, by Ar- 
thur M. Lewis. 

The Triumph of Life, by Wilhelm Boelsche. 

Memoirs of Karl Marx, by Wilhelm Lieb- 

Library of 
Socialist Classics 

This is a series of handy volumes in- 
cluding some of the greatest Socialist 
books ever written, especially the shorter 
works of Marx and Engels, also books by 
American writers explaining the principles of 
Socialism in simple language and applying 
them to American conditions. There are in 
all 45 volumes, each sold separately at 50c 
each, postpaid. We particularly recommend 
to beginners the nrst twenty of these 
volumes, and suggest that they be read in 
the order indicated. 

24. Revolution and Counter-Revolution, by Karl 


25. Anarchism and Socialism, by George Plech- 


26. Science and Revolution, by Ernest Unter- 


27. God's Children, a Modern Allegory, by James 


28. Feuerbach: Roots of the Socialist Philoso- 

phy, by Frederick Engels. 
20. Germs of Mind in Plants, by R. H. France. 

30. Social and Philosophical Studies, by Paul 


31. Ten Blind Leaders of the Blind, by Arthur 

M. Lewis. 

32. The Art of Lecturing, by Arthur M. Lewis. 

33. Marx vs. Tolstoy, a Debate Between Clarence 

S. Darrow and Arthur M. Lewis. 
84. Out of the Dump, a Story by Mary E. Marcy. 

35. The End of the World, by Dr. M. Wilhelm 


36. The Making of the World, by Dr. M. Wil- 

helm Meyer. 
87. Human, All Too Human, by Friederich 

38. The Russian Bastile, by Simon O. Pollock. 
30. Capitalist and Laborer, by John Spargo. 
40. The Marx He Knew, by John Spargo. 
41 Life and Dealth, by Dr. E. Teichmann. 

42. Stories of the Struggle, by Morris Win- 


43. What's So and What Isn't, by John M. 


44. Sabotage, by Emil Pouget, translated by 

Arturo Giovannitti. 

45. Socialism, Positive and Negative, Robert 

Rives LaMonte. 

Twenty Volumes and a $10.00 Share of Stock for $11.20 

Our publishing house is the property of over 2,000 Socialists, each of whom has subscribed ten 
dollars for the purpose of making it possible to publish revolutionary books at the lowest possible prices. 
It isn't run for profit, so the stockholders get no dividends. What they do get is the privilege of buying 
Socialist Book* at Cost. 

Wc need 1,200 more stockholders to pay off the comrades who have lent money, and to provide 
the working capital to increase our list of books. To get these stockholders quickly we shall sell this 
set of books for much LESS THAN COST provided a share of stock is bought at the same time. Here 
is the offer. 

For $11.20 cash with order, or for $2.70 cash and a dollar a month nine months, we will send 
by express, charges collect, any twenty of the books named above, and will issue a fully-paid share 
of slock, par value $10.00. The expressage, to be paid when books are received, will not exceed 
80 cents to any railroad point in the United States. Postage to foreign countries 80 cents, to 
Alaska or any U. S. colony, $1.20. 

Books will be sent immediately on receipt of first payment, stock certificate on receipt of final 
payment. You can get any of our other books at the same time by adding half the retail price. For 
example, $12.70 cash and a dollar a month nine months will pay for a share of stock and hooks from 
our order list to the amount of $30.00 at retail prices. 


118 West Kinzie Street, Chicago: 

I enclose $2.70 and agree to remit $1.00 a month for nine months, in return for which please